EXCHANGE 


THE  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD 


IN   THE 


A  DISSERTATION 


PRESENTED   TO   THE 


DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 

BY  WILLIAM  HARRISON  FAULKNER,  M.  A. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  VIRGINIA  MONOGRAPHS 
SCHOOL  OF  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES 

No.  VI. 
EDITED  BY  JAMES  A.  HARRISON, 

Professor  of  Teutonic  Languages. 


EXCH 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


PAGE. 
Preface,  ........  3 

Introduction,  ........       7 

I.  THE  SUBJUNCTIVE  AS  THE  MOOD  OF  UNCERTAINTY,    .        .10 

1.  Indirect  Discourse,  ......     10 

a.  Indirect  Narrative, 10 

b.  The  Indirect  Question,  .         .         .         .         .24 

2.  The  Conditional  Sentence,         .         .         .         .         .28 

a.  Conditional  Sentences  with  the  Indicative  in  both 

Protasis  and  Apodosis,       .         .         .         .         .29 

b.  Conditional  Sentences  with  the  Subjunctive  in  the 

Protasis,  and  the  Imperative  or  equivalent,  some- 
times the  Indicative,  in  the  Apodosis,         .         .     29 

c.  The  Unreal  Conditional  Sentence,          .         .         .     33 

d.  The  Conditional  Relative, 34 

The  Condition  of  Comparison, 35 

3.  The  Subjunctive  in  Temporal  Clauses,      .         .         .36 

4.  The  Concessive  Sentence,          .         .         .         .         .37 

5.  The  Subjunctive  after  iponne,    .         .         .         .         .40 

6.  The  Subjunctive  in  Substantive  Clauses,  .         .     40 

II.  THE  SUBJUNCTIVE  AS  THE  MOOD  OF  DESIRE,  .        .    42 

1.  The  Optative  Subjunctive,         .         .         .         .         .42 

2.  Sentences  of  Purpose,       ......     43 

a.  Pure  Final  Sentences,  43 

b.  Verbs  of  Fearing,  .         .         .         .         .         .     47 

c.  The  Complementary  Final  Sentence,      .         .         .47 

3.  Sentences  of  Result,          ......     54 

Subjunctive  in  a  Relative  Clause  with  Negative  Antece- 
dent,     ..........     55 

Life,          ...  57 


IN    THE 


OLD    ENGLISH    VERSION    OF  •  BEDB'S 
ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY 


A  DISSERTATION 

PRESENTED   TO   THE 

ACADEMIC    FACULTY    OF   THE    UNIVERSITY 

OF  VIRGINIA   FOR   THE 

DEGREE  OF 

DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 

BY  WILLIAM  HARRISON  FAULKNER,  M.  A. 

fl 


UNIVERSITY  OF  VIRGINIA  MONOGRAPHS 
SCHOOL  OF  TEUTONIC  LANGUAGES 

No.  VI. 
EDITED  BY  JAMES  A.  HARRISON, 

Professor  of  Teutonic  Languages. 


EXCHANGE 


PEEFACE. 

In  adopting  as  a  subject  for  investigation  the  uses  of  the  Sub- 
junctive Mood  in  Alfred's  Translation  of  Bede,  I  did  not  labor 
under  the  impression  that  I  was  entering  on  a  hitherto  un worked 
field ;  that  the  Subjunctive  Mood  has  been  thoroughly  and  pains- 
takingly investigated  in  its  uses  in  all  periods  of  English  will  be 
easily  seen  from  an  examination  of  the  bibliography  here  ap- 
pended. My  sole  hope  was  that  a  complete  course  of  research 
through  the  work  taken  might  determine  its  uses  in  this  one 
monument  of  Anglo-Saxon  prose.  On  this  ground  the  chief 
claim  of  my  work  to  usefulness  must  be  based,  and  on  the  fact 
that  as  a  large  number  of  examples  are  given  in  full,  this  sketch 
will  serve  as  an  index  to  the  uses  of  the  Subjunctive  Mood  in 
Bede.  As  to  the  method  of  arrangement  I  have  adopted,  it  is 
the  one  that  seemed  to  me  the  best  for  a  clear  and  comprehensive 
grasp  of  the  whole  subject.  I  am  aware  that  in  many  instances 
the  various  constructions  merge  into  each  other,  particularly  the 
uses  of  the  Subjunctive  after  Yerbs  of  Kelating,  etc.,  and  Verbs 
of  Desire,  but  as  the  use  of  the  mood  in  each  of  these  is  of  dif- 
ferent origin,  it  has  seemed  best  to  me  to  treat  them  under 
separate  divisions  and  not  as  of  the  same  character,  as  has  been 
done  by  some  investigators. 

I  wish  to  acknowledge  here  with  gratitude  the  many  kind- 
nesses of  Prof.  James  A.  Harrison  of  this  university,  who  has 
aided  me  constantly  with  valuable  suggestions,  and  to  whom  I 
am  indebted  for  the  use  of  many  valuable  books  from  his  pri- 
vate library,  and  the  kindness  of  Prof.  James  W.  Bright  of  the 
Johns  Hopkins  University,  in  allowing  me  for  several  days  the 
use  of  his  fine  collection  of  modern  language  dissertations,  and 
for  several  very  valuable  hints  as  to  my  work. 

In  the  course  of  my  investigation  I  have  made  use  of  the  fol- 
lowing works : 

The  Old  English  Version  of  Bede's  Ecclesiastical  History  of 
the  English  People,  Thomas  Miller,  M.  A.,  Ph.  D.  London, 
1890. 


Venerabilis  Bnedae  Historiam  Ecclesiasticam  Gentis  Anglo- 
rum,  etc.,  Vol.  I,  C.  Pluramer,  A.  M.  Oxford,  1896. 

Maetzner's  English  Grammar,  translated  by  Glair  James 
Grece,  LL.B.,  Vols.  II  and  I  El.  *  London,  1874. 

Grammar  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Language,  Francis  A.  March. 
New  York,  1870. 

An  Old  English  Grammar,  Edward  Sievers,  Ph.  D.,  trans- 
lated by  Albert  S.  Cook,  Ph.  D.  Boston,  1899. 

A  New  English  Grammar,  Henry  Sweet,  M.  A.,  Ph.  D.,  LL.D. 
Part  I.  Oxford,  1892. 

The  Philology  of  the  English  Tongue,  John  Earle,  M.  A. 
Oxford,  1872. 

A  Comparative  Grammar  of  English  and  German,  V.  Henry. 
London. 

Sweet's  Anglo-Saxon  Reader. 

Harrison  and  Baskerville's  Anglo-Saxon  Reader. 

Cook's  First  Book  in  Old  English. 

Goodwin's  Greek  Grammar. 

Gildersleeve's  Latin  Grammar. 

Peter's  Syntax  of  the  Latin  Verb. 

Bibliographical  Guide  to  Old  English  Syntax,  F.  H.  Chase. 
Leipzig,  1896. 

Ueber  den  Gebrauch  des  Conjuuctivs  in  Alfred's  altenglisher 
Uebersetzung  von  Gregor's  Cura  Pastoralis,  W.  Fleischaner. 
Gottingen,  1886. 

Der  Conjuuctiv  im  Alt-Englischen  und  seine  Umschreibung 
durch  Modale  Hilfsverba,  O.  Hemricke.  Gottingen,  1878. 

Die  Syntax  des  Verbums  in  Aelfred's  Heiligenleben,  P.  T. 
Kuehn.  Leipzig,  1889. 

Ueber  Bedeutung  uud  Gebrauch  der  Hilfsverba  im  friihen 
Altenglischen,  Sculan  uud  willan,  C.  Luetgens.  Kiel,  1888. 

The  Conditional  Sentence  in  Anglo-Saxon,  T.  J.  Mather. 
Johns  Hopkins  University,  1893. 

Die  Syntax  des  Verbums  in  Aelfred's  Uebersetzuug  des 
Heptateuch  und  des  Buches  Hiob,  T.  Wohlfohrt.  Muenchen, 
1885. 

Syntax  der  Blickling  Homilies,  Julius  Fleurme.     Bonn,  1885. 


The  Present  and  Past  Periphrastic  Tenses  in  Anglo-Saxon, 
Constance  Pessels,  Ph.  D.  Strassburg,  1896. 

On  the  Use  of  the  Subjunctive  Mood  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Ger- 
ald Hotz.  Zurich,  1882. 

Syntax  of  the  Verb  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  from  787 
A.  D.  to  1001  A.  D.,  H.  M.  Blain,  M.  A.  New  York,  1901. 


INTRODUCTION. 

§  1.  It  will  hardly  be  disputed  that  the  most  serious  loss  sus- 
tained by  the  English  language  in  the  course  of  centuries  is  the 
almost  total  disappearance  or  disuse  of  the  Subjunctive  Mood. 
Spoken  English,  at  present,can  scarcely  be  said  to  recognize  such 
a  mood,  and  the  literary  dialect  retains  only  a  few  and  fast  dis- 
appearing forms.  It  is  true  that  this  loss  has  been  partially 
repaired  by  the  use  of  the  Auxiliaries  of  Mood  ;  but  this  sub- 
stitution in  many  cases  is  merely  an  occasion  for  further  con- 
fusion, as  in  sentences  in  which  the  idea  expressed  by  the 
Modal  Auxiliary  is  one  that  requires  the  Subjunctive,  where  we 
must  have  recourse  to  a  periphrasis  of  a  periphrasis. 

The  English  of  "the  Period  of  Alfred  the  Great  presents  a 
striking  contrast  to  modern  usage.  In  Anglo-Saxon,  although 
the  tendencies  which  led  to  the  enormous  decrease  of  Subjunc- 
tive constructions  are  already  apparent,  the  mood  is  in  flourish- 
ing use.  In  fact  Anglo-Saxon  can  not  only  show  a  correspond- 
ing construction  for  each  use  of  the  Latin  Subjunctive,  but 
several  usages  in  which  the  Latin  does  not  employ  it,  and  the 
Greek  has  to  be  referred  to  for  a  parallel  structure. 

§  2.    SCOPE   AND  PUEPOSE   OF   THE   DISSERTATION. — In   the  fol- 

lowing  dissertation  I  have  limited  my  investigation  as  to  the 
uses  of  the  Subjunctive  Mood  in  Anglo-Saxon  to  Alfred's  Trans- 
lation of  Bede's  Ecclesiastical  History  of  England.  This  work 
may  be  considered  a  typical  example  of  the  best  Anglo-Saxon 
prose,  and  owing  to  the  influence  of  the  Latin  from  which  it 
was  translated,  strikingly  exemplifies  the  capabilities  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Subjunctive.  The  investigation  has  been  all  the 
more  interesting  from  the  opportunity  thus  offered  of  compar- 
ing the  idiom  of  our  ancestors  with  that  of  a  language  so 
rich  in  Subjunctive  constructions  as  the  Latin,  in  a  work  in 
which  every  effort  was  made  to  give  a  correct  and  clear  trans- 
lation of  the  original. 

The  text  on  which  these  investigations  have  been  based  is 


8 

The  Old  English  Version  of  Bede's  Ecclesiastical  History,  edited 
with  ,i  T  lAusiation  aivd  Introduction  by  Thomas  Miller,  M.  A., 
Ph.  D.  London,  MDCCCXC.  The  references  are  to  pages 
and  lines. 

It  may  be  objected  that,  being  a  translation  from  the  Latin, 
this  work  is  not  the  place  to  look  for  a  typical  English  use 
of  the  Subjunctive,  as  the  Latin  constructions  undoubtedly 
exerted  some  influence  on  those  of  the  translation.  Prof.  Sweet, 
however,  says  (King  Alfred's  W.  S.  Version  of  Gregory's  Pas- 
toral Care) :  "  In  purely  theological  works  such  as  the  Pastoral, 
the  influence  of  the  Latin  original  reaches  its  height ;  yet  even 
here  there  seems  to  be  no  effort  to  engraft  Latin  idioms  on  the 
English ;  the  foreign  influence  is  only  indistinct."  On  the  other 
hand,  however,  nothing  could  more  strongly  show  the  capabil- 
ities of  the  Anglo-Saxon  than  its  parallel  or  divergent  uses  of 
the  Subjunctive  in  contrast  with  the  Latin  *use  of  that  mood. 
Indeed,  so  close  together  were  the  two  languages  in  the  use  of 
this  mood,  that  to  an  Anglo-Saxon  learner  the  Latin  Subjunc- 
tive must  have  been  as  simple  as  it  is  difficult  to  the  modern 
school-boy.  But  Anglo-Saxon  "  out-herods  Herod,"  and  shows 
several  usages,  such  as  the  Subjunctive  after  J)onne,  than,  the 
.Present  Subjunctive  in  a  conditional  sentence  referring  to  the 
future,  in  which  the  Latin  Subjunctive  is  not  found.  And, 
finally,  one  direct  imitation  of  the  Latin,  the  use  of  the  Infini- 
tive in  Indirect  Discourse  instead  of  paet  with  the  Subjunctive, 
tended  to  diminish  the  number  of  Subjunctive  constructions. 

In  this  investigation  I  have  examined  every  distinct  Subjunc- 
tive form  occurring  in  the  work  and  have  attempted  to  classify 
each,  referring  to  the  Latin  original  where  this  seemed  neces- 
sary to  obtain  more  light  on  the  point  in  question. 

§  3.  DISTINCTIVE  ENDINGS  OF  THE  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD. — I  have 
said  above  that  I  have  classified  only  those  Subjunctive  forms 
having  endings  distinct  from  the  Indicative. 

In  the  Present  Tense  these  are  the  2nd  and  3rd  persons  singu- 
lar, and  1st,  2nd  and  3rd  persons  plural,  for  both  Strong  and 
Weak  Verbs. 

In  the  Preterite  Tense,  of  Strong  Verbs,  in  the  singular  the  1st 


and  3rd  persons  have  a  distinct  form  for  the  Subjunctive,  while 
the  plural  shows  throughout  the  Subjunctive  termination. 

In  the  Preterite  Tense  of  Weak  Verbs  the  singular  has  no  form 
for  the  Subjunctive  distinct  from  the  corresponding  Indicative , 
while  even  the  termination  en  of  the  plural  is  uncertain.     (See 
Sweet,  A.  S.  Reader,  p.  xcviii,   "  in   the   later  language  where 
there  is  no  distinction  between  indie,  and  subj.  in  the  pret.  of 
weak  verbs  ").     Hence  the  following  table  of  endings  : 
Present.         Both  Conjugations. 
Sing.   2— *. 
3— e. 

Plur.  1,  2,  3— en. 

Preterite.         Strong  Verbs.          Weak  Verbs. 
Sing.  1 — e  (with  vowel  of  pret.  pi.). 
3 — e  (with  vowel  of  pret.  pi.). 

Plur.  1,  2,  3— en.  Plur.  1,  2, 3— en  (?). 

ReiiMrk. — An  uncertain  form  in  -an  is  of  frequent  occur- 
rence, but,  although  in  Bede  it  seems  to  represent  more  fre- 
quently the  Subjunctive  than  the  Indicative  Plural,  none  of 
these  doubtful  forms  have  been  considered  in  this  investigation. 
§  4.  Method  of  Arrangement. — The  uses  of  the  Subjunctive 
in  Anglo-Saxon  owe  their  origin  partly  to  the  primitive  Opta- 
tive, from  which  the  form  of  the  mood  is  derived,  partly  to  the 
primitive  Subjunctive.  These  uses  may  be  classified  under 
two  heads  : 

I.  The  Mood  of  Uncertainty. 
II.  The  Mood  of  Desire. 
Hence  the  following  arrangement : 
I.   The  Mood  of  Uncertainty. 

1.  Indirect  Discourse. 

a.  Indirect  Narrative. 

b.  The  Indirect  Question. 

2.  The  Conditional  Sentence. 

a.  Simple  Conditions. 

b.  The  Conditional  Relative. 

c.  The  Condition  of  Comparison. 

3.  The  Subjunctive  in  Temporal  Clauses. 


10 

4.  The  Concessive  Sentence. 

5.  The  Subjunctive  after  Iponne,  than. 

6.  Substantive  Clauses. 
II.   The  Mood  of  Desire. 

1.  The  Optative  Subjunctive. 

2.  Sentences  of  Purpose. 

a.  Pure  Final  Sentences. 

b.  Verbs  of  Fearing. 

c.  Complementary  Final  Sentences. 

3.  Sentences  of  Result.     (Usually  with  the  Indie.) 

I.  THE  SUBJUNCTIVE  AS  THE  MOOD  OF  UNCERTAINTY. 

1.   The  Subjunctive  in  Indirect  Discourse. 

a.  Indirect  Narrative. 

§  5.  Indirect  Discourse  in  Anglo-Saxon  follows  all  verbs  and 
expressions  of  Saying,  Thinking,  Believing  and  Perceiving,  and 
the  Anglo-Saxon  tyaet  with  the  Subjunctive  after  such  verbs  is, 
in  meaning,  exactly  parallel  with  the  Latin  Accusative  with  the 
Infinitive.  Accordingly  it  may  be  stated  as  a  rule  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  syntax  that  all  verbs  or  expressions  denoting  Thought  or 
Perception,  or  the  Expression  of  Thought  are  followed  by  Ipaet 
and  the  Subjunctive  Mood  in  the  Principal  Clause  of  the  de- 
pendent statement.  In  the  dependent  clause  the  Subjunctive 
is  also  the  rule,  but  the  exceptional  use  of  the  Indicative  oc- 
curs more  frequently  than  in  the  principal  clause.  The  Indic- 
ative occurs  in  both  principal  and  dependent  clause  of  the  In- 
direct Narrative,  when  a  fact  and  not  a  statement  is  reported. 

§  6.  Principal  Clauses  in  Indirect  Discourse. — The  Subjunc- 
tive of  Indirect  Discourse,  while  probably  due  originally  to  the 
idea  of  uncertainty,  is  in  Bede  merely  formal  and  serves  only  to 
indicate  dependency.  That  it  is  not  due  to  the  statement  being 
foreign  is  clearly  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  speaker  or  writer 
in  reporting  his  own  statement  makes  use  of  the  Subjunctive 
Mood. 

§  7.  Its  use  then  after  Verbs  of  Saying  does  not  indicate  doubt 
or  uncertainty  on  the  part  of  the  reporter,  but  merely  that  a 
statement  and  not  a  fact  is  reported. 


11 

§  8.  After  Verbs  of  Perception  the  Subjunctive  seems  to 
indicate  that  the  thing  perceived  is  conceived  of  rather  as  'a 
thought  than  a  fact.  It  is  considered  merely  as  a  conception 
of  the  mind  and  not  as  a  necessarily  real  state  of  affairs. 

§  9.  After  both  Verbs  of  Saying  and  Verbs  of  Perception,  the 
Indicative  is  used  of  a  fact ;  that  is,  after  Verbs  of  Saying,  when 
the  Indicative  is  used,  a  fact  is  reported  and  not  a  statement, 
and  after  Verbs  of  Perception,  the  thing  perceived  is  considered 
as  objective  and  not  subjective. 

§  10.  After  Verbs  of  Hoping  and  Promising,  which,  as  in 
Latin,  are  followed  by  the  same  construction  as  Verbs  of 
Saying,  etc.,  the  Subjunctive  seems  to  be  partly  that  of  uncer- 
tainty, partly  that  of  desire.  The  Subjunctive  occurs  after  such 
verbs  with  scarcely  an  exception,  as  would  follow  from  the 
theory  above.  After  such  verbs  the  dependent  clause  is 
necessarily  only  a  thought  or  a  statement,  and  the  decision  as 
to  its  being  a  fact  remains  in  the  future. 

§  11.  Tke  Indicative  in  Principal  Clauses. — In  all  of  the 
cases  above  mentioned  the  use  of  the  Indicative  is  frequent. 
Many  of  these  instances  may  be  attributed  to  a  confusion  of 
forms,  as  is  clearly  the  case,  when  of  two  co-ordinate  verbs  in 
the  same  sentence,  one  is  Indicative  in  form,  the  other  Sub- 
junctive. For  example,  see  Ex.  4,  under  cweftan  (p.  162,  11. 
31-32,  also  p.  340,  11.  27-28). 

§  12.  But  laying  aside  these  cases,  there  is  a  clearly  defined 
tendency  to  use  the  Indicative  Mood  of  a  fact  reported  in  oppo_ 
sition  to  a  statement  reported  or  a  thought  conceived.  While 
the  Subjunctive  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  the  truth  of 
the  statement  or  thought  is  not  vouched  for  by  the  reporter, 
the  Indicative  in  Indirect  Discourse  does  imply  that  the  re- 
porter considered  the  Indirect  Discourse  not  merely  a  state- 
ment or  conception,  but  the  statement  or  conception  of  what 
presented  itself  to  his  mind  as  a  fact.  See  Hotz,  §  34,  seq. 

§  13.  Accordingly  we  find  that  the  Indicative  occurs  most 
frequently  after  Verbs  of  Announcing,  Knowledge,  and  Cer- 
tainty. Even  here,  however,  the  Subjunctive  is  occasionally 
found,  for  what  some  one  else  announces  as  a  fact,  or  thinks 
he  knows,  the  reporter  may  know  not  to  be  a  fact. 


12 

§  14.  Dependent  Clauses  in  Indirect  Discourse. — The  mood 
in  the  dependent  clause,  while  determined  in  a  general  way 
according  to  the  rule  given  above,  shows  many  exceptions.  It 
is  easily  seen  that  in  many  sentences,  while  the  principal  might 
be  a  mere  reported  statement,  the  dependent  clause  might  be 
a  fact ;  in  addition  to  this  any  dependent  clause  which  serves 
merely  as  a  determinative  or  modifier,  or  which  gives  an  expla- 
nation of  the  reporter,  goes  into  the  Indicative  Mood.  From 
these  two  causes  arises  the  more  frequent  occurrence  of  the 
Indicative  in  dependent  than  in  principal  clauses  in  Indirect 
Discourse.  In  fact,  in  Relative  Clauses  which  are  particularly 
likely  to  be  modifiers,  the  Indicative  occurs  with  but  few  excep- 
tions. 

§  15.  Tenses  of  the  Subjunctive  as  used  in  Indirect  Dis- 
course.— As  the  Anglo-Saxon  verb  possessed  but  two  tense 
forms,  the  present  and  the  preterite,  these  two  tenses  appear 
with  many  uses,  and  frequently  confusion  results ;  this  confusion 
is  sometimes,  though  by  no  means  always,  avoided  by  the  use 
of  the  auxiliaries  magan,  sculan,  willan,  and  habban,  sculan 
occurring  most  frequently. 

§  16.  Table  of  Tenses  of  the  Subjunctive  in  Indirect  Dis- 
course. 

I.  After  a  Present  Leading  Tense. — After  a  Present  Leading 
Tense  both  present  and  preterite  Subjunctive  occur,  the  present 
of  Contemporaneous  and  Subsequent,  the  preterite  of  Ante- 
cedent action. 

§  17.  1°.  Contemporaneous  Action. — The  A.  S.  Present  Sub- 
junctive translates  the  Latin  Present  Infinitive,  and  is  repre- 
sented by  the  Mod.  Eng.  Present  Indicative. 

Remark. — Occasionally  the  periphrasis  pres.  partic.  +  sie, 
etc.,  is  used  to  express  continued  action  in  present  time,  as  in 
the  so-called  Progressive  Present  in  Modern  English,  though 
frequently  merely  equivalent  to  the  simple  pres'ent. 

§  18.  2°.  Antecedent  Action. — The  A.  S.  Preterite  Subjunc- 
tive translates  the  Latin  Perfect  Infinitive  and  is  represented  in 
Mod.  Eng.  by  the  Indefinite  Past,  the  Progressive  Past  or  the 
Perfect  Indicative. 


13 

Remark  1.  The  Progressive  Past  is  frequently  represented 
here  by  the  pres.  participle  -f  waere,  etc.,  as  in  Mod.  Eng., 
especially  when  accompanied  by  the  temporal  adverbs  gen  a, 

gyt' 

Remark  2.  The  Periphrastic  Perfect  with  habban  is  occasion- 
ally used  to  translate  the  Latin  Perfect  Infinitive. 

§  19.  3°.  Subsequent  Action. — The  A.  S.  Present  Subjunctive 
translates  the  Latin  Future  Infinitive  and  is  represented  in  Mod. 
Eng.  by  the  Future  Indicative. 

Remark. — Instead  of  the  present  of  subsequent  action,  the 
auxiliaries  sculan  and  willan  in  the  Pres.  Subj.  followed  by  the 
Infinitive  frequently  appear.  Occasionally  the  periphrasis  beon 
and  pres.  part,  appears  with  a  fut.  sense  representing  Lat.  fut. 
part,  and  esse. 

§  20.  II.  After  a  Preterite  Leading  Tense. — After  a  Preterite 
Leading  Tense,  the  Preterite  alone  is  used.  Hence  the  Preterite 
Subjunctive  in  Indirect  Discourse  may  denote  Contempo- 
raneous, Antecedent  or  Subsequent  Action. 

§  21.  Contemporaneous  Action. — The  A.  S.  Preterite  Sub- 
junctive translates  the  Latin  Present  Infinitive,  and  is  equiva- 
lent to  the  Mod.  Eng.  Indefinite  Past,  or  the  Mod.  Eng.  Pro- 
gressive Past  Indicative. 

Remark. — Frequently  the  periphrasis  pres.  participle  + 
waere,  etc.,  appears  and  generally,  though  not  always,  indicates 
Contemporaneous  Action. 

§  22.  Antecedent  Action. — The  A.  S.  Preterite  Subjunctive 
translates  the  Latin  Perfect  Infinitive,  and  is  equivalent  to  the 
Mod.  Eng.  Pluperfect  Indicative. 

Remark. — Occasionally  the  periphrastic  pluperfect  with  hab- 
ban is  used  here. 

§  23.  Subsequent  Action. — The  A.  S.  Preterite  Subjunctive 
translates  the  Latin  Future  Infinitive  after  Historical  Tenses 
and  is  equivalent  to  the  Mod,  Eng.  would  (should)  with  the 
infinitive. 

Remark. — Frequently  the  preterite  of  the  auxiliaries  willan 
and  sculan  appear  here,  sculan  being  more  common.  When 
willan  appears  here  it  has  usually  in  addition  to  the  future 


14 

sense,  its  proper  meaning  of  wish  or  desire,  and  is  only  a  quasi- 
auxiliary.  (See  below,  p.  15,  Subseq.  Act.  Ex.  1.) 

Verbs  followed  by  Indirect  Discourse. 

§  24.  Verbs  of  Saying. — Of  the  four  verbs  of  saying,  cweftan, 
secgan,  andswarian,  sprecan,  which  occur  followed  by  the  Sub- 
junctive in  Indirect  Discourse,  two,  cweftan  and  secgan  are 
found  most  frequently.  Of  these  two  there  seems  to  be  a  ten- 
dency to  use  cweftan  before  an  indirect  quotation  proper, 
while  secgan  generally  introduces  a  mere  report.  This  differ- 
ence is  especially  noticeable  in  such  expressions  as  "  Men  say," 
"  it  is  said,"  etc.  Cweftan  rarely  appears  in  the  passive,  while 
the  passive  of  secgan  occurs  frequently. 

§  25.  CWE$AN,  as  remarked  above,  generally  introduces  an 
indirect  quotation,  and  only  one  example  occurs  in  Bede  of  its 
use  in  the  passive  voice. 

§  26.  Examples. — After  Present  Tense. 

Contemporaneous  Action. 

Cwist  3u  paet  pe  sy  leofre  paere  my  ran  suuu  ponne  paet 
Godes  beam,  p.  196,  1.  22. 

After  Preterite  Tense. 

Contemporaneous  Action. 

Ond  he  cwaeft  paet  he  gelefde  paet  him  sona  wel  waere, 
p.  396,  11.  24-25.  Ond  cwaeft  paet  he  selfa  geara  waere  mid 
Godes  fultome  paet  weorc  to  fremniene,  p.  98,  1.  3.  Ond 
cwaedon  paefc  him  leofre  waere  ond  heo  wilnadon  paet  heo 
paere peode  haelo  beon  rneahten,  p.  162, 11.  31-32.  Ond  cwaeS 
paet  heo  fracuSe  oud  earme  waere,  p.  222,  1.  23.  Ond  peah 
cwaeft  he,  paette  paet  waere  heora  gewuua,  p.  232,  1.  3.  pa 
ondswarede  he  him  oud  cwaeft  paet  he  waere  swa  micles  hades 
unwyrSe,  p.  254,  11.  6-7.  Cwaeft,  paet  he  waere  se  cuftesta 
geweota  hire  claennisse  ond  hire  maegiShades,  p.  316, 11.  20-21. 
Ond  (he)  cwaeft,  paet  he  $a  gena  lifigende  waere,  pa  he  pis 
gewrit  sette,  p.  378,  11.  12-13.  ForSon  ic  gemon,  paet  -Saere 
eadigan  gemynde  Theodor  ercebiscop  cwaeft  paet  iSaere  tide 
blodlaes  eow  waere  swrSe  frecenlic,  p.  392,  11.  14-16.  WrSsoc 
se  biscop  ond  cwaeft  paet  his  mynster  neah  waere,  paet  he 
scolde  pyder  feran,  p.  394,  11.  21-23.  Da  wrbsoc  he  se  biscop 
aerest  ond  cwaeft  paetiSaet  idel  ond  unnyt  waere,  p,  400, 11. 3-4. 


15 

Antecedent  Action. 

We  aer  cwaedon  paet  heo  Cristen  waere,  p.  62, 1.  5.  CwaeiS 
he  paet  him  saegde  eald  weota  paet  he  waere  gefulwad  aet  mid- 
dumdaeg,  p.  144,  1.  11.  Cwaeft  paet  he  waere  long  on  bodige 
ond  hwon  forSheald ;  haefde  blaec  feax  ond  blacne  ondwlitan, 
medmicle  nose  pynne  ond  waere  arwyrSlic  ge  ond  onderslic 
on  to  seoune,  p.  144, 11. 15-17.  Cwaeft  seo  abbudesse  paet  heo 
gesawe  paere  niht  paet  leoht  ofer  his  banum  up  a$  heofon  heah, 
p.  184,  1.  14.  Bi  paem  aerestan  we  bufan  cwaedon  paet  heo 
waere  in  Eoforwiicceastre  to  biscope  gehalgod,  p.  334,  11.  24- 
26.  pa  audswaredon  heo  ond  cwaedon  paet  heo  paet  ilce  aer 
wisten  ond  ongeaton,  p.  340,  11.  27-28.  Cwaeft  paet  hit  eafte 
meahte  beon  paet  hit  purh  biosmrunge  eteawed  waere,  p.  410, 
11.  26-27.  Ond  he  cwaeft  paet  he  gesawe  ungelice  bee  him 
berene  bion,  p.  440,  11.  20-21.  CwaeiS  paet  he  waere  Michel 
se  heah  engel,  p.  462,  1.  24.  Also  p.  174,  1.  6,  p.  340, 11.  27-28. 

Subsequent  Action. — Cwaedon  heo  paet  heo  naenig  pyssa  don 
wolde,  ne  hine  for  aerce  biscop  habban  wolden,  p.  102,  11.  17- 
18.  CwaeiS  he  paette  sawl  butan  aengum  sare  ond  mid  micle 
beorhtnesse  leohtes  waere  utgangende  of  lichomau,  p.  296,  11. 
10-11.  (Seo  abbuddisse)  cwae$,  paet  heo  gelefde  paet  hire  sona 
wel  waere  aefter  his  blaetsunge,  p.  392,  11.  9-10.  Also  p.  438, 
11.  7-11. 

Cweftan  followed  by  tlie  Indicative. — He  cwaeiS  paet  hie 
aerest  $a  faegran  boc  ond  ~3a  hwitan  englas  forSbrohton,  p. 
440,  11.  27-28. 

Cwe^an  used  in  Passive. — ponon  monegum  waes  geseweu 
ond  oft  gecweden  paette  swelces  modes  wer  ma  gedafonade 
beon  to  biscope  gehalgad  ponne  cyning  waere,  p.  294, 11.  10-12. 

§  27.  SECGAN,  as  distinguished  from  cweftan,  frequently  intro- 
duced a  mere  report,  as  in  such  expressions  as  "Men  say,"  "it 
is  said,"  etc.  It  is  found  frequently  in  the  Passive  Voice. 

Examples  after  Secgan. 

Active  Voice  of  Secgan. 

After  a  Present  Leading  Tense. 

Antecedent  Action. — SecgaS  men  paet  he  eac  waere  mid 
gehate  hine  seolfne  bindende,  p.  306,  1.  22.  SecgaiS  eac  men 


paet  heo  waere  swiSe  lust  fnllieucle  pisse  uutrymuesse  cynue 
ond  heo  gewunalice  cwaede  oft,  p.  322,  11.  15-17.  ponne  is 
sum  wundor  haelo  pe  seo  ilce  booc  saga~$  paette  aet  liictune 
geworden  waere  Gode  paere  leofan  gesoranuoge,  p.  102, 11.  14- 
16.  Secgaft  men  paet  paet  gelumpe  on  sume  tide  py  halgan 
Eastordaege,  p.  164,  1.  29.  Also  p.  96,  11.  6-8. 

After  a  Preterite  Leading  Tense. 

Contemporaneous  Action. — Saegde  hire  paet  his  Infu  waere 
paet  he  pa  stowe  neosade  ond  gesohte  para  eadigra  apostola,  p. 
452,  11.  18-19.  Waes  se  gesihft  him  secgende  paet  he  meahte 
heora  lichaman  in  -Sere  stowe  gemaetan,  paer  he  gesawe  paet 
leoht  of  hiofonum  in  eorSan  scinan,  p.  418, 11.  10-11.  Ond  he 
saegde  paet  him  leof  waere  ond  his  lif  midbehaefdlic,  p.  396, 
11.  23-24.  Cwom  sum  broftor  ponon,  pe  me  saegde  paet  pus 
gedon  waere,  p.  186,  1.  34.  Saegde  seo  abbudisse  paet  sume 
faemne  of  Sara  nunnena  rime  mind  hefigre  adle  gestonden  waere, 
p.  390,  1.  31.  Ondette  him  ond  saegde  paet  he  waere  cyninges 
pegn,  p.  328,  11.  21-22.  Ac  saede  paet  he  folclic  mon  waere 
ond  pearfende  ond  gewiifad  haefde  ;  ond  paette  he  forSon  in 
py  fyrd  cwome,  p.  326,  1.  16.  Aefter  pon  he  underpeodde 
oud  him  saegde,  paet  se  daeg  swrSe  neah  stode  his  forSfore,  p. 
266,  1.  10.  CirSe  aerendwrecan  saegdon  Ecgberhte  paem  cyn- 
inge,  paette  se  biscop  waere  in  Francna  rice,  p.  256,  11.  17-18. 
Ond  eac  saegde  paet  se  ilca  broiSor  pa  gyt  in  paem  mynstre 
lifigende  waere,  p.  188,1.  1.  Saegdon  men  paet  he  waere  Britta 
leod,  p.  180,  1.  13.  Oud  saegde  paem  cyniuge  paet  aeghwouan 
cwome  micel  meningeo  pearfena,  p.  166,  1.  4.  He  pam  cyn- 
inge  saegde,  paet  him  alyfed  naere  paet  he  his  broSor  wiife 
brohte  ond  haefde,  p.  70,  1.  23. 

Antecedent  Action. — Saegde  he  paet  he  hine  cneoht  weosende 
gesawe,  p.  142,  1.  8.  Ond  heo  him  cySde  cud  saegde  paet  heo 
geleornade  on  avvriguesse  paet  hire  endedaeg  ond  hire  forSfore 
waere  swrSe  ueah,  p.  174,  11.  4-5.  Saegde  heo  him  paet  seo 
onwrigeuis  pyslic  waere,  p.  174,  1.  6.  Is  nu  gena  sum  aid 
broker  lifiende  usses  mynstres,  se  me  saegde  paet  him  saegde 
sum  swiiSe  aefest  mann  ond  gepungen  paet  he  pone  Fnrseum 
gesege  in  Eastengla  maegSe,  p.  216,  11.  23-25.  Donne  waes 


17 

Biise  Eastengla  biscop,  pe  we  saegdou  paette  in  pam  forespre- 
cenan  seonoSe  waere,  p.  280, 11.  12-13.  Ongon  him  pa  secgan, 
paet  hire  aeteawde  sum  halig  wer  ond  hire  cwaede  to,  ponue 
dagunge  tid  cwome,  paet  heo  waere  to  pam  ecan  leohte 
ferende,  p.  286,  11.  23-25.  Same  men  eac  swylce  saegdou  paet 
heo  purh  witedomes  gast  pa  adle  forecwaede,  pe  heo  on  forS- 
ferde,  p.  318,  11.  24-26.  Saegde  paet  hiora  niowau  blodlaeten 
waere  iu  earme  ond  in  paere  blodlaesme  paet  hio  waere  mid 
untrymnesse  gestonden ;  ond  seo  sona  waere  to  Son  swiSe 
weaxende  waere,  p.  392,  11.  3-5.  Ond  hio  saegde  paet  hio 
waere  on  bedde  licgeude,  p.  392, 1.  7.  pis  wundor  se  gemyugeda 
abud  saegde  Saet  hit  ne  waere  him  oudweardum  pusgeworden, 
ah  paette  pa  hit  him  saegden  $a  pe  Saer  ondweorde  waerou, 
p.  398,  11.  11-13.  Done  seolfan  riim  wintra  haebbende  beon, 
he  oft  aer  his  mannum  foresaegde  Saet  he  mid  onwriguisse 
his  swefnes  ongete,  p.  406,  11.  21-23.  He  swrSe  guorniende 
ond  gemftreduni  gelic  ongan  him  secgan  paet  he  gesawe  helle 
opene  ond  Satanan  pone  ealdan  feond  moncynnes  besencedue 
in  pam  gruudum  helle  tintreges  ;  paet  he  paer  gesawe  (Jaiphan 
pone  ealdorman  para  sacerda  mid  pam  oftrum,  p.  442,  1.  26, 
seq. 

§  28.  Secgan  used  in  the  Passive  Voice. — Secgan  frequently 
appears  in  the  Passive.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  passive  of 
secgan,  as  well  as  the  passive  of  seon,  and  other  expressions  of 
seeming  and  appearing,  is  frequently  used  personally,  the  sub- 
ject of  the  dependent  clause  being  used  also  as  the  subject  of 
the  principal  clause.  This  appears  to  be  an  imitation  of  the 
Latin  personal  use  of  dicitur,  videtur. 

Examples.  Passive  Voice  used  Personally. — paes  biscopes 
lif  ond  drohtunge  in  his  biscophade  ge  aer  biscophade  is  saegd 
paette  waere  paet  halgeste,  p.  282.  1  1.  Seo  aerest  wiifa  is 
saegd  in  Norpanhymbra  maegSe,  paet  heo  munuchade  oud 
halig  ryfte  onfenge  purh  halgunge  Aidanes  paes  biscopes,  p. 
332,  11.  25-27.  pa  se  Godes  wer  Scs  Agustinus  is  saegd  paet 
he  beotigende  forecwaede  gif  heo  sibbe  mid  Godes  monnum 
oufon  ne  wolden,  paet  heo  waeren  unsibbe  ond  gefeoht  fram 
heora  feondum  onfonde,  p.  102,  11.  23-25.  Se  waes  saegd 
paet  he  his  broSor  waere  Osweos  suuu  paes  cyninges,  p.  360, 
11.  1-2. 


18 

Passive  Voice  used  Impersonally. — para  geleafan  ond  geh  wyrf 
ednesse  is  'saegd  paet  se  cyning  swa  waere  efn  blissende,  p. 
62, 1.  17.  Is  paet  saegd,  paet  he  Cristes  mael  hrafte  weorce 
geworhte  ond  seaiS  adulfe,  in  paem  liit  stondan  scolde,  p.  154, 
11.  23-24.  Is  paet  saegde,  paet  he  waere  be  his  trymnesse  ond 
lare  swiSe  gefeonde  ond  waere  arisende  of  his  setle  of  midduni 
his  ealdormannum  ond  his  witurn,  p.  470,  11.  6-7.  Is  saegd 
paet  he  his  eagau  mid  his  hondum  to  heofonum  hofe  ond 
inid  tearum  pus  cwaede,  p.  202, 1.  6.  Eac  swilce  is  saegd,  paet 
he  waere  paere  maestan  eaftmoduesse,  p.  196,  1.  4.  Is  baet 
saegd  iSaet  in  "Sa  tid  swa  micel  sib  waere  iu  Breotone  aeghwyd- 
erymb,  swa  Eodwines  rice  waere,  peah  pe  an  wif  wolde  inid 
hire  nicendum  cild,  heo  meahte  gegan  butan  aelcere  sceftenisse 
from  sae  te  sae  ofer  eall  pis  ealond,  p.  144,  11.  21-24.  Is  paet 
saegd,  paette  swa  micel  haetu  ond  lust  waere  Cristes  geleafan — 
paette  Paulinus  se  biscop  sumre  tid  com  mid  pam  cyniiig 
oud  cwene  in  pam  cynelican  tun ;  oud  paer  wunade  syx  ond 
prittig  daga,  p.  140, 11.  7-10. 

§  29.  Secgan  with  the  Indicative. — Occasional  examples  occur 
of  the  Indicative  in  Indirect  Discourse  ahev  secgan.  The  mood 
here,  as  in  the  first  example  given  below,  may  be  due  to  the 
indirect  statement  being  a  fact.  In  most  instances,  however, 
it  is  difficult  to  understand  in  this  way,  and  seems  simply  due 
to  confusion  of  the  two  moods. 

Examples. — Cwaeft  him  mon  to  ond  saegde  paet  heo 
haeSne  waeron,  p.  96, 1. 17.  Ond  nionige  para  broSra  saegdou 
paet  heo  swutolice  engla  song  geherdon,  ge  eac  sweggeherdon, 
swa  swa  micelre  mengu  in  paet  mynster  gongan,  p.  174,  1.  16. 
Da  gesaegdon  Romane  on  an  Bryttum  paet  hi  no  ma  ne  inihton — 
swa  gewinnfullicum  fyrdum  swencte  beon,  p.  44,  1.  33. 

§  30.   Andswarian. 

Examples  of  Indirect  Discourse  after  Andswarian. — Ond 
him  andswarode,  paet  he  oiSer  lif  ma  cure  ond  lufade  ponne 
paet  wornedlif,  p.  454,  11.  13-14.  pa  ondswarede  he  paet  he 
noht  swylcra  craefta  ne  cube,  p.  328, 11.  8-9.  Ne  meahtou  heo 
awiht  elles  ondswarian,  uemne  paet  heo  forpon  yrre  waere  ond 
paem  cyning  feond,  p.  288,  1.  1.  Andswearedon  Scottas  paet 


19 

heora  lond  lie  waere  to  paes  rnycel,  paet  hit  mihton  two  peode 
gehabbau,  p.  28, 1.  11.  Oudswarede  he  paet  paet  alyfed  naere, 
paette  cristeno  faemne  haeiSnam  men  to  wiife  seald  waere,  p. 
120, 1.  14. 

Remark  1. — One  example  occurs  of  the  Indicative  after 
andswarian.  Ex.  Ondswarede  him  mou  paet  heo  Ongle 
ueuined  waeron,  p.  96,  1.  22. 

Remark  2. — A  frequent  combination  is  andswarede  ond  cwaeft, 
etc.  Examples.  Ond  him  mon  ondswarede  ond  cwaeiS  paette 
he  Aell  haten  waere,  p.  96, 1.  31.  Oudswaredon  hy  ondcwaedon 
paet  heo  to  pon  pider  senden  waeron  paet  heo  sceolden  paet 
gyldue  mynet  mid  him  geneoman  paette  pider  of  Cent  cwom, 
p.  174,  11.  9-10.  (Notice  Indie,  here.)  For  other  examples, 
see  above  under  cwe^San. 

§  31.  Sprecan  only  rarely  appears,  but  two  examples  occur- 
ring followed  by  distinct  subjunctive  forms. 

Examples. — pa  spraecou  heo  be  life  haligra  faedra  ond  paet 
eac  onhyrgan  wolden,  p.  270,  11.  19-20. 

Remark. — In  the  second  of  these  two  examples  the  introduc- 
tory Ipaet  is  omitted  and  the  Indirect  Discourse  follows  imme- 
diately, being  only  indicated  by  the  Subjunctive  mood.  Ex. 
Da  waeron  pa  haeiSnan  betwih  him  sprecende  sticcemaelum 
all  hiora  maegfte  neded  waere,  paet  hio  hiora  aid  bigong  for- 
leorte  ond  paet  uiowe  beade,  p.  416,11.  20-21. 

§  32.  Examples  of  Indirect  Discourse  after  Writan. — Writed 
Eutropius  paet  Constantinus  se  casere  waere  on  Breotone 
acenned,  p.  42, 1. 17.  ForSon  bi  paem  ilcum  faedrum  awriten 
is  paet  heo  waeren  todaelende  heora  weoruldgood  syndrigum 
mannum,  p.  66, 1.  2. 

§  33.  Verbs  of  Announcing. — After  Verbs  of  Announcing 
the  Indicative  occurs  rather  frequently,  being  used  when  a 
fact  and  not  a  statement  is  announced.  (See  example  under 
gebodan,  below.) 

Examples. 

After  cy^an. — pa  saegdon  hie  "Saet  ond  cy$don  Eadbyrhte 
heora  biscope  paet  him  ftaet  licede  ond  leof  waere,  gif  his 
willa  waere,  p.  374, 11.  25-26.  Sona  seude  aerendwracan  paet 


20 

heo  scealden  secgan  oncl  cypan  paetn  eadigau  biscope  Scs 
Gregorius  paette  Ongelpeode  haefde  onfougen  Cristes  geleafan 
ond  paette  he  to  biscope  gebalgod  waere,  p.  64,  1.  1-2. 

After  onbeodan. — Swelce  Agustinus  heht  him  eac  onbeadau 
paette  her  waere  micel  rip  anweord  oud  fea  worhton,  p.  88, 

I.  28.     And  pa  seude  to  Aepelbyrhte  aerenddracan  ond  onbead 
paet  he  of  Home  came  ond  paet  betste  aerend  laedde,  p.  58, 

II.  4-5. 

After  (ge)bodian. — Wulfhere  se  cyning  onget  ond  him  ge- 
bodad  waes  paet  in  paere  maegiSe  Eastseaxna  of  daele  Cristes 
geleafa  aidlad  waes,  p.  250,  11.  17-18. 

§  34.  Verbs  of  Believing  and  Supposing. — Examples, 

After  gelyfan. — ponue  is  he  gelyfed  paet  he  Cristes  geoc 
bere  ond  eow  laere  to  beoreune,  p.  100,  11.  28-29.  Is  ftaet  to 
gelyfenne  paette  paet  waere  mid  forestihtunge  don  paere 
godcundau  arfaestnesse,  paet  he  swa  geefeulicad  waere  mid  pa 
gife  his  ftingeres,  p.  372,  11.  27-31.  Oud  ic  gelyfo,  paette  me 
forSon  seo  uplice  arfaestnis  wolde  mec  hefigade  beon  ond  sare 
mines  sweoran,  paet  ic  swa  waere  oulesed  paere  scylde  paere 
swiSe  idlan  leasnisse,  p.  322, 11.  20-23.  Ne  paet  furiSum  gelef- 
don  paet  it  6  waere,  p.  150,  1.  9.  pa  sette  he  pa  reliquias  in 
heora  cyste,  and  gelefde  paet  his  eage  for  $y  fexe  paes  Godes 
weres  hrafte  gehaeled  waere,  p.  382,  11.  29-32. 

After  tellan. — pa  fuude  he  oiSerne  pnrh  eal  ping  him  pone 
gelicastan,  pa  getealde  he  paet  he  hit  waere,  p.  326, 11.  29-30. 

After  pencan. — Heo  pohton  paet  him  mislicra  and  gehael- 
odra  waere,  p.  56,  1.  3. 

After  wenan. — pa  ongau  ic  peucan  ond  wende  paet  hit  hel 
waere,  p.  426,  1.  2.  Ic  waenu  paet  he  waere  bensiende  $a 
uplicau  arfaestnisse  miura  gesyuta,  p.  402,  11.  9-10.  Tealdon 
hie  oud  weudon  paet  his  ofter  lichoma  iSy  Seawe  deadra  manna 
fornumen  waere  ond  to  duste  gewordeu,  p.  374,  11.  20-22. 

After  raesian. — Da  ongon  he  mid  gleawe  mode  pencan  oud 
raesian,  paette  uaenig  ofter  iutinga  waere  paere  stovve  grennis 
oud  faegeruis  nemne  paet  sum  haligra  mon  hwylcwugu  pam 
oiSrum  weorode  ofslegen  waere,  p.  180,  11.  16-18. 

After  wen  beon. — Ondgif  wen  sy  paet  he  in  strengopeodscipes 
ond  prea  to  wlaec  sy,  p.  74,  1.  2. 


21 

§  35.  Verbs  of  Knowledge  and  Certainty. — As  might  be 
expected  Verbs  and  Expressions  of  Knowledge  and  Certainty 
are  followed  by  the  Indicative  Mood.  A  few  examples  are 
given. 

Examples  after  witan. — Ic  wat  geare  paet  ftu  eart  min  se 
leofesta  biscop,  p.  402,  1.  15.  Be  paem  aefteran  is  hraeftlice 
to  witanne  paet  he  waes  in  Dorsetceastre  to  biscope  gehalgod, 
p.  334,  1.  26.  Ac  wite  pu  hwaeftre  paet  pu  onfehst  paes  pu 
baede,  p.  244,  1.  8.  WitaiS  ge  paet  he  bift  Cristes  peaw,  p.  102, 
1.  1. 

Remark. — The  Accusative  with  the  Infinitive  sometimes 
occurs  after  witan,  instead  of  Ipaet  with  the  Subjunctive.  Ex. 
Wite  pu  me  cristene  beon,  p.  36,  1.  16. 

Examples  after  cu%  is. — ponne  is  paet  cuiS  paet  he  nis  of 
Gode,  p.  100,  1.  30.  Be  pam  ponne  cuft  is,  paet  he  waes 
hwaeiSre  mid  py  baeSe  his  blodes  geclaensad,  p.  40,  1. 15. 

§  36.    Verbs  of  Perceiving.     Examples. 

After  ongytan. — Heo  ongeton  paette  paet  waere  soft  faest- 
nesse  weg,  p.  100,  1.  12.  pa  gemunade  Oswia  se  cyning  paet 
he  hine  trymede  ond  laerde  paette  he  ongete  paette  ne  meahten 
godo  beon,  p.  224,  1.  13. 

After  metan. — Ealra  heora  dome  he  unscyldig  ond  butan 
leahtrum  waes  gemeted  ond  paet  he  waere  his  biscophade  well 
wyrSe,  p.  458,  11.  27-29.  ForSon  nis  awer  gemeted  in  halgum 
boccum  paette  pisse  fregnesse  waerword  sy  gesegen,  p.  68, 1. 25. 

§  37.  Verbs  of  Seeming  and  Appearing. — The  two  verbs  of 
Seeming  and  Appearing,  which  occur  most  frequently  followed 
by  the  Subjunctive  of  Indirect  Discourse  are  the  passive  of 
seon,  used  like  the  Latin  videor,  and  the  impersonal  tyyncan. 

The  passive  of  seon,  gesegen  beon,  is  frequently  used  person- 
ally with  the  subject  of  the  verb  in  Indirect  Discourse  as  sub- 
ject also  of  the  leading  verb,  possibly  an  imitation  of  the  usage 
in  Latin  in  the  simple  tenses  of  videor. 

Examples. 

After  gesegen  beon. — pa  waes  heo  gesegen  purh  twegan  dayas 
paet  hire  leohtor  ond  wel  waere,  p.  320,  11.  24-25.  Monnum 
gesewen  waes  paet  aet  forSfore  waere,  p.  396,  1.  19.  Eac 


22 

swelce  paet  is  gesegen  paet  he  waere  gewis  his  seolfes  forSfore, 
p.  348,  11.  25—26.  pa  waes  him  eallum  gesegen  paet  waere 
fram  Drihtne  sylfum  heofonlice  gifu  forgifen,  p.  344,  11.  23-24. 
Puhte  him^seolfum  ond  him  gesegen  waes  paet  heardlice  ond 
stranglice  spraece,  p.  348,  11.  11-12. 

After  Ipyncan. — Him  eallnm  puhte  paet  hit  gerisenre  waere 
paet  his  lichoman  mon  gesette  to  eastdaeles  paes  wigbedes,  p. 
218,  1.  28.  pa  ongan  ic  pencan  ond  me  hum  puhte  paet  paer 
waere  heofona  rice,  p.  430,  11.  11-12.  pa  ongunnon  heo  open- 
lice  deofolgildum  peawian,  pe  monnum  gepuhte  paet  heo 
hwaeiShwegu  forlaeten  haefde  bi  paem  faeder  lifiendum,  p.  112, 
1.  5.  Me  pynceft,  broftor,  cwaeiS  he,  paet  pu  waere  paem 
ungeleordum  monnum  heardra  ponne  hit  riht  waere,  p.  164, 1.  4. 

§  38.  Verbs  of  Deciding. — Findan  and  deman  in  the  sense 
of  "  to  decide,"  each  occur  once  with  the  Subjunctive  of  Indi- 
rect Discourse.  Examples. — Ond  pa  to  raede  fundon  ond 
gemaenre  gepeahte  paet  him  selre  ond  gehaeledre  waere,  p. 
112,  1.  9.  Ond  pa  heora  ealra  dome  gedemed  waes  paet  he 
waere  biscophades  wyrSe,  ond  paet  he  to  lareowe  sended 
waere  Ongolcynne,  p.  164,  11.  11-12. 

§  39.  Verbs  of  Hoping  and  Promising. — After  verbs  of 
Hoping  and  Promising,  the  A.  S.  Present  Subjunctive  after  a 
Present  leading  tense,  the  Preterite  Subjunctive  after  a  Prete- 
rite leading  tense,  translate  the  Latin  Future  Infinitive,  where 
the  Mod.  Eng.  equivalent  is  the  Present  Infinitive  or  that  with 
the  future  after  principal,  the  so-called  conditional  (should, 
would)  after  historical  tenses.  The  verbs  of  this  class  found 
are  tiatan,  gehatan,  to  promise,  and  gehihtan  to  hope. 

Examples. — After  hatan. — Ond  he  hiene  het  aefterfylgendre 
tide,  ponne  he  ildra  waere,  his  synna  hreawe  ond  ondettuesse 
don.  p.  438, 11. 1-2.  After  gehatan. — Swelce  he  eac  gehat  geheht 
paet  he  aeghwilce  daege  alne  saltere  in  gemynd  paere  god- 
cundan  herenisse  asunge,  p.  242,  11.  31-35.  Geheht  paet  he 
him  swiiSe  blrSe  waere,  p.  198,  1.  1. 

Remark. — Treowesellan,  to  pledge  one's  faith,  being  equiva- 
lent to  a  verb  of  promising  occurs  with  the  same  construction. 
Ex. — Heora  treowe  sealdon  paet  heo  riht  midhealdan  woldon 
o$pe  to  heora  eiSle  hwurfen,  p.  248,  11.  1-2. 


23 

After  gehihten,  to  hope. — Ondswylceeache  waes  gehihtende 
paet  he  sona  his  lichoman  tolesed  waere,  p.  404.  11.  22-24. 

§  40.  Verb  of  Rejoicing. — Bl>ssian,  to  rejoice,  occurs  followed 
by  Ipaet  and  the  Subjunctive,  equivalent  to  the  Latin  quod  with 
the  Indicative.  Ex. — Se  arwyrpa  faeder  blissade  pact  he 
gesawe  Drihtnes  daeg,  p.  474,  11.  20-21. 

§  41.  Examples  after  other  verbs,  Forgitan. — pa  forget  he 
paet  he  in  oftere  stowe  paet  geheolde,  p.  156,1.  30.  Ondettan. — 
pa  ondred  he  ondettan  paet  he  cyninges  pegn  waere,  p.  326, 
1.  15.  Toaetecan. — Ond  pa  gen  toaetecte  paet  hit  waere 
wintres  tiid ;  ond  se  winter  waere  grim  ond  cald  ond  fyrstig 
ond  raid  hiise  gebunden ;  paet  se  halga  wer  saete  in  pynnum 
hraegle,  p.  216,  11.  26-28. 

§  42.  Any  word  or  expression  denoting  the  same  idea  as  a 
verb  of  saying  or  thinking  may  be  followed  by  Indirect  Dis- 
course. Ex. — Se  maereste  hlisa  is  paette  waere  in  eowere 
peode  wundorlice  halignesse  cyning,  p.  192,  1. 1.  He  Ceddan 
biscop  mid  wordum  preade  paet  he  rihtlice  gehalgad  ne  waere, 
p.  260,  11.  3—4.  Ond  swa  waes  gefylled  se  witedom  paes  hal- 
gan  biscopes  Agustinus  paet  heo  sceolden  for  heora  treaw- 
leasnesse  hwilendlicre  forwyrdt)  wraec  prowigan,  p.  104,  1.  9. 

§  43.  Virtual  Indirect  Discourse. — In  many  examples,  though 
there  is  no  formal  indirect  quotation,  the  leading  verb  involves 
a  verb  of  saying.  In  such  cases  the  Subjunctive  is  frequently 
found  in  relative  and  other  dependent  clauses.  This  is  espec- 
ially the  case  in  relative  clauses  after  a  complementary  final 
sentence,  as  verbs  of  asking,  commanding,  etc.,  are  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  verbs  of  saying,  though  they  may  not  introduce  a 
formal  indirect  quotation. 

Examples. — pa  baed  he  hine  paet  he  him  iSaes  arwyrSan 
treas  hwylcne  hwego  dael  brohte  ponne  he  eft  ham  come,  p. 
156,  1.  23.  See  also  p.  100,  1.  16 ;  p.  198,  1.  31  ;  p.  210,  1. 17. 

Remark. — Sometimes  the  mere  appearance  of  a  word  of  say- 
ing is  enough  to  cause  the  use  of  the  Subjunctive.  For  in- 
stance, in  the  following  example,  witedom,  which  precedes  the 
verb  in  the  sentence  causes  the  principal  clause  to  go  into  the 
Subjunctive.  Ex. — Da  aefter  Esaies  witedome  in  paem  cleo- 


24 

fura  pe  aer  dracan  eardodon,  waere  upyrnende  grawnes  hreodes 
ond  rixa,  p.  230,  11.  20-21. 

6.   The  Indirect  Question. 

§  44.  As  Verbs  of  Asking  imply  speaking,  the  Subjunctive 
used  in  the  Indirect  Question  may  be  considered  as  of  the 
same  nature  and  origin  as  the  Subjunctive  of  Indirect  Narrative, 
and  is  found  with  even  greater  regularity.  Sometimes,  how- 
ever, the  Subjunctive  here  seems  also  to  denote  duty  or  obli- 
gation and  to  point  to  a  subjunctive  in  the  direct  question ;  in 
such  cases  it  seems  to  have  something  of  an  optative  or  jussive 
character.  The  sense  of  duty  or  obligation,  however,  is  fre- 
quently expressed  by  the  auxiliary  sculan. 

§  45.  Words  introducing  the  Indirect  Question. — Indirect 
Questions  are  introduced  by  the  regular  interrogative  pronouns 
and  adverbs  and  by  hwae^er.  Ilwaefter  translates  regularly  the 
Latin  num — we,  and  is  represented  in  Mod.  Eng.  by  "  whether," 
or  "if,"  introducing  an  Indirect  Question.  No  example  of  gif, 
as  an  interrogative  particle  occurs.  The  Double  or  Disjunc- 
tive Question  uses  hwaefter — oftfte  (pe)  (Lat.  utrum. — an,  etc.). 
After  verbs  of  looking,  the  interrogative  pronouns  and  hwaefter 
have  a  peculiar  use.  See  §  48. 

§  46.  Tenses  of  the  Subjunctive  in  Indirect  Questions. — The 
tenses  used  in  Indirect  Questions  are  the  present  and  preterite 
with  the  same  force  as  in  Indirect  Narrative.  It  is  to  be  noted, 
however,  that  to  denote  subsequent  action,  the  periphrasis 
gerund  -f  beon,  or  the  auxiliary  sculan  frequently  appear,  convey- 
ing also  the  idea  of  obligation.  Willan  occasionally  appears 
also  to  represent  subsequent  action,  and  emphasize  the  idea  of 
wishing. 

§  47.  Examples  of  Indirect  Questions. 

1.  After  a  Present  leading  tense. 

Contemporaneous  Action. — Ond  pe  ic  hate  paet  $u  hit  gehele 
ond  gehealde  oftSaet  ic  wite  hwaet  God  wille  ond  hwaet  be  mi 
gewurSe,  p.  462, 11, 21-22.  Wast  $u  hwaet  $as  ping  ealle  seon  ? 
p.  430,  11.  28-29.  Naefre  ofer  pis  ic  demo  hwaet  o$pe  hu 


micel  of  uncrum  feo  ftu  Godes  beornum  selle,  p.  196,  1.  31. 
Geseoh  pu,  cyning  hwelc  peos  lar  sie,  p.  134,  1.  12.  Be  hwon 
magon  we  iSaet  weotan  hwaefter  he  sy?  p.  100,  1.  25.  We 
smealice  gepencan  sculan,  of  hwylcre  wisan  paein  moode  hit 
gegonge  paes  slaependan,  p.  86,  1.  5.  Dis  maeg  gepencan 
of  paes  peofes  hade  hu  he  geriht  beon  maegge,  p.  68,  11.  1-2. 
Sage  me  hwylces  cynnes  pu  si  ?  p.  36,  1.  14.  Hwaet  lumped 
$aes  to  i5e  of  hwylcum  wyrtruman  ic  acenned  si,  p.  36,  1.  16. 
Gesage  me  pinne  naman  hwaet  pa  haten  sie,  p.  36,  1.  19.  Sio 
wise  hwelcne  ende  haebbende  sie,  sio  aefterre  eldo  gesrS  ond 
sceawaiS,  p.  480,  11.  12-13. 

Antecedent  Action. — HwaeiSer  he  paet  bi  him  seolfum  cwaede 
pe  be  oiSrum  men  hwelcum,  paet  us  is  uncuiS,  p.  270,  11.  26-27. 
Nis  eis  ponne  se  hlisa  to  foreswigienue  for  hwilcum  intingan 
he  monad  waere,  p.  96,  1.  6.  Waes  godes  mannes  geearnung 
ofrSo  his  liif,  hwelc  were,  cuftlicor  seined,  p.  384,  11.  9-10. 

Subsequent  Action. — Do  pis,  cwaeft  he,  oSpaet  ic  pe  fullicor 
aeteawe  hwaet  pu  don  scyle  ond  hu  longe  pu  on  hreawe  awu- 
nian  scyle,  p.  350,  1.  33  seq.  Hwaet  paer  foregange  ofrSe 
hwaet  paer  aefter  fylige,  we  ne  cunnun,  p.  136, 1.  6.  Cwist  pu 
hwaefter  pu  his  pa  halwendan  monunge  onfon  wille  ond  him 
hearsum  beon  ?  p.  130,  1.  8.  Ac  gesage  me  hwylce  mede  pu 
wille  sellan  pam  men,  p.  128,  1.  25.  Hafa  -Su  mid  pone  elcan 
biscop  spraec  ond  gepeahte  hwaet  to  donne  sy,  p.  72,  1.  26. 
Uton  biddan  aelmihtigne  God,  paet  he  geeaiSmodige  us  to  tac- 
nian  hwelc  gesetenes  to  fylgenne  sy,  hwelcum  wegum  to  efes- 
tenne  sy  to  ingange  his  rices,  p.  98,  11.  29-30.  Hafa  pu  mid 
Pone  ilcan  biscop  spraec  ond  gepeahte  hu  pa  gerehte  ond  gehette 
beon  scylen,  p.  74,  1.  1. 

2.  After  a  Preterite  leading  tense. 

Contemporaneous  Action. — Fraegn  se  cyning  hiene  hwaet 
$aet  waere,  p.  438,  11.  20-21.  Fraegn  pa  ond  acsade  hwaer 
Acca  maessepreost  waere,  p.  462,  11.  12-13.  pa  ongan  he  mec 
acsean  ond  frinan  hwaefter  ic  wiste  hwaefter  ic  on  rihtan  bu- 
tan  inan  gefulwad  waere,  p.  402, 11.  20-21.  pa  fraegn  he  hine 
oud  ascode  hwaet  him  waere,  p.  352,  1.  23.  Da  fregn  he  mec 
hwaefter  ic  wiste  hwa  ftaet  waere,  p.  402,  1.  13.  pa  gyt  he 


26 

fraegn  hu  neah  paere  tide  waere  paette  pa  broker  arisan  scol- 
den,  p.  381, 11. 13-14.  pa  wundrade  se  pegn  for  Inyon  he  iSaes 
baede,  p.  346,  1.  30.  He  him  paefc  hlutorlice  gecypan  wolde 
hwaet  he  waere,  p.  328,  11.  19-21.  Fraegn  hine  pa  geornlice 
hwonon  he  waere,  p.  328, 11. 18-19.  Ond  hine  ascade  hwaeiSer 
he  Sa  alysendlecau  rime  ctrSe,  p.  328,  1  6.  pa  fraegu  hine  se, 
hwaet  he  waere,  p.  326,  11.  14-15.  Summum  monnum  cwom 
in  tweon  in  hwaeSer  hit  swa  waere,  p.  316, 11. 18-20.  He  paet 
sceolde  geornlice  gewitan  ond  geleornian  hwelces  geleafau 
Ongolcyunes  cirice  waere,  p.  314,  11.  26-28.  pa  frugnon  heo 
pa  ymbsittendan  mid  hwone  heo  sprecende  waere,  p.  290, 
11.  26  -27.  Ono  hwylcre  geearnunge  pes  biscop  waere  aelmihtig 
God  monnum  gecyftde,  p.  198,  1.  18.  pa  fraegn  hine  ond 
ahsode  his  maessepreost  for  hwon  he  weope,  p.  198, 1.  7.  And 
smealice  sohton  on  hwon  paet  gelang  waere,  p.  182,  1.  3. 
Woldon  gewitan  hwaet  paet  waere.  Cunuode  pa  mid  his  hond 
ond  sohte  hwaet  paet  waere,  p.  158,  1.  1.  Syndriglice  was 
fram,  him  eallum  frignende  hwaet  him  puhte  and  gesawen 
waere  peos  niwe  lar,  p.  134,  1.  9.  Da  fraegn  he  hine  hwaet  to 
him  lumpe  hwaefter  he  wacode  pe  slepe  ond  hwaeiSer  he  pe  ute 
pe  inne  waere,  p.  128, 11.  20-21.  pa  eode  he  to  him  ond  fraegn 
for  hwon  he  in  para  tid  ana  swa  unrot  on  stone  waeccende 
saete,  p.  128,  1.  19.  pa  wuudrade  he  swrSe  ond  ahsode  hwylc 
mon  to  paes  gedyrtig  waere,  p.  114,  1.  30.  Ond  hine  waes 
frignende  pa  gesettan  Cristes  seep  in  middum  wulfuin  hwyl- 
cum  heorde  he  fleonde  forlete,  p.  114,  1.  21.  Fraegn  he  ond 
ahsode  hwaet  paet  weorod  waere,  p.  102,  1.  33.  Da  gyt  he 
ahsode  hwaet  heora  cyning  haten  waere,  p.  96,  1.  30.  Eft  he 
fraegn  hwaet  se  peod  nemned  waere,  p.  96,  1.  12.  Eft  he 
fraegn  hwaefter  pa  ilcan  londleode  cristne  waeron,  pe  hi  pa 
gen  in  haeftennesse  gedwolan  lifden,  p.  96,  1.  16. 

Antecedent  Action. — Ac  se  aelmihti  God  wolde  gecypan 
hwylcre  gearnunge  se  halga  wer  waere,  p.  90,  1.  23.  Hwelc 
paes  cyninges  geleafa  ond  modea  welsumnis  in  God  waere  paet 
aefter  his  deaiSe  mid  maegena  wundrum  waes  gecySed,  p.  178, 
1. 1.  Geornlice  smeadon  hwaet  he  cwaede,  p.  164,  1.  11. 
Ascade  hwelces  geleafon  heo  waeren,  p.  310,  1.  8.  Ge  eac 


27 

swylce  hwelcre  gearnunge  he  haefd  waere  mid  pone  inlican 
gewitan,  ic  waes  ongeotende,  p.  398,  11.  19-22.  Ond  geornlice 
him  fraegn  ond  ascode  hwonan  he  iSa  wisan  cufte  ond  ongete, 
p.  352,  11.  31-30.  Ond  heo  pa  geornlice  hine  ahsodon  hu  paet 
gelumpe,  p.  186,  1.  12.  Hwylc  hire  maegen  waere,  ma  aefter 
hire  deaiSe  gecyiSed  waes,  p.  176,  1.  2.  Saegde  se  ilca  mon 
hwylc  paes  biscopes  heow  waere  Scs  Paulinus,  p.  144,  1.  15. 
Ac  hwaeftre  sargende  mode  geornlice  pohte  hwaefc  se  waere 
o$pe  hwonan  he  come,  p.  130,  1.  22.  He  wolde  userne  siftfaet 
sceawian  ond  geseon  hwaet  us  gelumpe,  p.  386,  1.  6. 

Subsequent  Action. — pa  waes  seo  abbudisse  ond  seo  modor 
paere  gesomnunge  bighygdig  ond  sorgende  in  hwylce  tid  pone 
dael  paes  mynstres  paet  ilce  wite  gehrine,  p.  282,  1.  28,  seq. 
Oswia  NorSanhymbra  cyning  ond  Ecgberht  Centwarena  cyn- 
ing  haefdon  betweoh  him  spraece  ond  gepeahte,  hwaefc  to  donne 
waere  bi  paene  stealle  Ongolcynnes  cirican,  p.  248,  11.  3-6. 
Ond  heo  pa  haefdon  in  paem  gemote  micle  smeaunge  ond 
gepeahte  hwaet  him  to  donne  waere,  p.  162,  1.  30.  Geornlice 
mid  him  seolfum  sineade  ond  pohte  hwaet  him  saelest  to  donne 
waere  ond  hwylc  aefaestnes  him  to  healdanne  waere,  p.  132, 
11.  18-19.  Ond  ne  wiste  hwider  he  code,  oftpe  hwaefc  him 
selest  to  donne  waere,  p.  128, 1.  13.  He  gelomlice  mid  hine 
peahtade  ond  sohte  hwaet  be  pissum  pingum  to  donne  waere, 
p.  124,  1.  30.  Sohte  ond  smeade  mid  Laurentio  and  Justo,  his 
efnbiscopum,  hwaet  him  be  ftissum  pingum  to  donne  waere,  p. 
112,  1.  28.  pa  gesomnedon  hi  gemot  ond  peahtedon  ond  raed- 
don  hwaet  him  to  donne  waere,  hwaer  him  waere  fultum  to 
secanne,  p.  50,  1.  10.  Ond  mid  halwende  worde  laerde  hwaet 
ymb  para  haelo  to  donne  waere,  p.  216,  1.  11. 

§  48.  A  fter  Verbs  of  Looking,  hvmefter  and  the  Interrogative 
pronouns  are  used  like  the  Latin  si  after  verbs  denoting  trial 
and  attempt.  The  Mod.  Eng.  translation  is  "  look  to  see  if," 
etc. 

Examples. — Da  aet  nestan  locadon  we  on  baecling  hwae$er 
woen  ware,  p.  384,  1.  25.  Da  ahof  ic  mine  eagan  upp  ond 
locade  hider  oud  geond  hwae^er  me  aenig  fultum  toweard 
waere,  p.  428,  11.  16r-18.  Heo  geornlecor  bihealdende  waes 


28 

hwelcum  teonde  up  ahefen  waere  se  wlite  paes  wulderlecan 
lichoman,  p.  288,  11.  14-15. 

§  49.  Ne  witan. — After  verbs  and  expressions  such  as  ne 
witan,  nytan,  not  to  know,  me  uncuft  is,  etc.,  it  is  unknown  to 
me,  the  Indirect  question  takes  the  Indicative  or  Subjunctive 
with  a  well  defined  difference  of  meaning.  If  the  action  of  the 
verb  of  the  Indirect  question  is  contemporaneous  with  or  an- 
tecedent to  that  of  the  leading  verb,  the  Indicative  is  used ;  if 
subsequent,  the  Subjunctive. 

Examples.  With  Indicative. — Ne  wiste  ic  hwaer  min  lat- 
teow  becom,  p.  426,  1.  17.  With  Subjunctive. — Me  waes  un- 
cu$  hwaet  ic  dyde  oiSpe  hvvider  ic  eode  oiSpe  hwelc  ende  me 
come,  p.  426,  11.  27-28. 

2.    The  Conditional  Sentence. 

§  50.  The  Conditional  Sentence  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  introduced 
by  gif,  if  =  Latin  si.  The  negative  of  gifis  regularly  nernne, 
butan,  unless,  except  =  Latin  nisi,  sometimes  gif — ne,  if  not 
=  Latin  si  non.  The  mood  used  in  the  Protasis  is  Indicative 
or  Subjunctive  with  a  well  defined  difference,  the  Indicative 
being  used  in  a  supposition  assumed  to  be  true,  while  the  Sub- 
junctive is  used  when  the  supposed  case  is  uncertain  or  con- 
trary to  fact.  The  Subjunctive  is  used  in  both  Protasis  and 
Apodosis  in  the  Unreal  Condition,  where  both  Protasis  and 
Apodosis  are  contrary  to  fact.  Instead  of  the  Indicative  in 
the  Apodosis,  the  Imperative  or  its  representative,  the  Optative 
Subjunctive  may  appear. 

§  51.  The  Conditional  Sentences  occurring  in  the  Old  Eng- 
lish Version  of  Bede  may  be  classified  according  to  form  as 
follows  : 

a.  Conditions  with  the  Indicative  in  both  Protasis  and  Apo- 
dosis. 

b.  Conditions  with    the   Subjunctive   in    Protasis,   and    the 
Imperative  or   equivalent,  sometimes   the   Indicative,  in  the 
Apodosis. 

c.  Conditions  with   the  Subjunctive   in  both  Protasis  and 
Apodosis. 


29 

Remark. — In  (a)  instead  of  the  Indicative  in  the  Apodosis, 
the  Imperative  or  Optative  Subjunctive  may  appear. 

§  52.  a.  Conditional  Sentences  with  the  Indicative  in  both 
Protasis  and  Apodosis. — The  tense  of  the  Indicative  used  in 
the  Protasis  is  regularly  the  present  form,  referring  either  to 
present  or  future  time,  though  the  Preterite  Indicative  occurs 
of  a  past  event  assumed  to  be  true.  In  the  Apodosis  the  mood 
is  regularly  the  Indicative,  although  sometimes  the  Imperative 
or  Optative  Subjunctive  appears  equivalent  to  a  future. 

This  class  of  Conditional  Sentences  correspond  to  conditions 
usually  known  as  the  Logical  Condition,  in  which  the  condition 
is  assumed  to  be  a  fact. 

Examples.  Present  Tense. — Nu  gif  Agustinus  is  milde  ond 
eaftmodre  heortan,  is  he  gelyfed  paet  he  Cristes  geoc  bere, 
p.  100,  11.  27-28.  Ac  hwaet  maeg  ic  mvSaere  faenman  do,  gif 
hie  aet  forSfore  is,  p.  392,  11.  17-18. 

Preterite  Tense. —  Breac  ealdre  halsunge  gif  hi  hwylcne 
drycraeft  haefdon,  p.  58,  11.  21-22.  Him  gehetan  eaftmode 
hyrnysse,  gif  hi  him  gefultumadou,  p.  44,  1.  14. 

§  53.  1).  Conditional  Sentences  with  the  Subjunctive  in  the 
Protasis,  and  the  Imperative  or  equivalent,  sometimes  the  Indi- 
cative in  the  Apodosis. — This  class  of  conditions  may  be  con- 
veniently subdivided,  as  follows : 

1.  Conditions  with  the  Pres.  Subj.  in  the  Protasis,  and  the 
Imperative  or  equivalent  in  the  Apodosis. 

2.  Conditions  with  the  Pret.  Subj.  in  the  Protasis  and  the 
Indicative  in  the  Apodosis. 

§  54.  1.  Conditions  with  the  Pres.  Subj.  in  the  Protasis,  and 
the  Imperative  or  equivalent  in  the  Apodosis. — In  conditions  of 
this  class,  the  Subjunctive  in  the  protasis  appears  to  emphasize 
the  uncertainty  of  the  supposed  case,  as  being  in  the  future, 
and  the  use  of  the  mood  here  may  be  compared  to  the  use  of 
the  Greek  Subjunctive  in  the  so-called  More  Vivid  Future 
Condition.  In  the  apodosis  the  verb  is  in  the  Imperative,  or 
equivalent  in  a  large  majority  of  cases,  and  the  few  instances 
of  the  Indicative  occurring  are  equivalent  to  a  wish  or  a  com- 
mand, as  will  be  seen  on  referring  to  the  examples  given  below. 


30 

Hotz  (Use  of  the  Subjunctive  Mood  in  Anglo-Saxon,  §  17)  at- 
tributes the  mood  in  the  protasis  to  a  kind  of  attraction,  say- 
ing: "  In  such  contingency  the  subj.  owes  its  existence  rather 
to  the  correlation  of  condition  to  consequence  wanting  to  be 
reflected  by  concordance  of  mood  than  to  its  absolute  value. 
As  for  the  imperative,  its  influencing  the  verb  of  the  condition 
in  the  same  way  as  opt.  and  jussive,  the  elucidation  is  surely 
to  be  taken  from  them.  Indicatives  with  optat.  or  jussive  pur- 
port work  upon  mood  in  the  same  way  as  optatives  themselves." 
T.  J.  Mather,  however  (The  Conditional  Sentence  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  p.  8),  says  :  "  The  following  would  seem  to  be  the  expla- 
nation of  the  Subjunctive  in  the  protasis  of  a  command  or  wish. 
The  speaker  introduces  a  strong  subjective  element  into  the 
sentence  by  the  expression  of  his  own  desire  or  command. 
He  thereby  falls  out  of  the  role  of  a  mere  reporter  and  ex- 
presses a  particular  interest  in  the  relation.  This  element  of 
will  may  extend  through  the  whole  sentence  and  influence  the 
verb  of  the  protasis  which  becomes  subjunctive,  the  proper 
mood  for  the  expression  of  will  or  wish.  The  subjunctive  in 
such  clauses  is  rather  adhortative,  at  least  in  origin,  than  poten- 
tial or  hypothetical."  In  certain  examples,  as  in  the  second 
quoted  below  from  p.  160, 11.  7-8,  where  the  logical  apodosis  is  a 
clause  dependent  on  a  verb  of  desire>  etc.,  this  is  undoubtedly  a 
convenient  and  correct  explanation  (see  Rem.  2,  below),  but  com- 
parison with  other  languages  and  with  modern  English  usage  does 
not  support  belief  in  this  sort  of  attraction  of  mood.  Logically 
the  protasis  is  the  principal,  the  apodosis  the  dependent  clause,  so 
that  if  this  attraction  takes  place  it  should  occur  in  just  the  con- 
trary direction.  For  this  reason  it  seems  that  the  present  subjunc. 
in  the  protasis  of  conditions  of  this  class  is  closer  to  the  Greek 
More  Vivid  Future  protasis  and  is  due  to  the  idea  of  doubt 
or  uncertainty  rather  than  to  that  of  desire.  The  condition, 
however,  does  not  correspond  to  the  Latin  ideal,  except  in  one 
instance  (see  last  example)  below,  but  translates  regularly  the 
Latin  logical  condition  with  the  indicative  in  the  protasis,  fol- 
lowed by  the  imperative  or  equivalent  in  the  apodosis. 

§56.  Examples.    Positive. — Meleof  is,  gif  Su  maegge,  p.  292, 


31 

1.33.  Gif  hit  eallinga  pus  araeded  seo,  ond  pis  cwide  onwended 
beon  ne  moste,  ic  biddo  ond  halsio  paet  ne  sy  more  fac  bi- 
tweonum  pon  peos  nehste  neaht  an,  p.  290, 11.  24-25.  ForSon 
gif  peos  lar  owihfc  cu$licre  ond  gerisenlicre  bringe,  paes 
weorSe  is  paet  we  paere  fylgen,  p.  160, 11.  7-8.  Fulwian  ponne 
paet  cennende  wiif  oiSpe  paet  beam,  gif  heo  syn  preade  mid 
frecennisse  deaiSes,  naenige  gemete  is  bewered,  p.  76,  1.  20. 
OSpe  gif  wiif  numen  sy  en  monafteiSle  gewunan,  hwaefter  alefaft 
hire  in  circan  gangan,  p.  74,  1.  17.  Do  swa,  gif  ge  willen,  p. 
400,  1.  6.  Gif  he  ponne  eow  forhogie  ond  eow  ne  wille 
arisan  togegnes,  sy  he  ponue  from  eow  forhogad,  p.  102, 11.  2-3. 
Ond  gif  he  arise  angegnes  eow,  ponne  wita$  ge  paet  he  bip 
Cristes  peaw,  p.  100,  1.  33.  Gif  he  Godes  man  sy,  fylgaiS  ge 
him,  p.  100,  1.  23.  Ond  gif  wen  sy  paet  he  in  strengo  peod- 
scipes  ond  prea  to  wlaec  sy,  ponne  is  he  to  onbaernenne, 
p.  74,  11.  1-2.  Gif  hwylce  ponne  ofer  paet  gefrernmen,  ponne 
seondon  heo  to  bescyrieune  Cristes  lichoman  ond  blodes,  p. 
72,  1.  6.  Gif  $u  wille  pysses  lifes  geselignysse  brucan,  ne  yld 
pu,  p.  36,  1.  23.  Ac  gif  ftu  wylle  gehyran  paet  so^,  ponne  wite 
pu  me  cristene  beon,  p.  36,  1.  16. 

Ideal. — Ac  gif  e  foor  gelimpe  (Lai.  contingat)  in  Gallia 
maegSe,  hafa  pu  mid  pone  ilcan  biscop  spraec,  p.  72,  1.  24. 

Negative. — Nemne  he  mid  waetre  apwegen  ond  bibaftod  sy, 
ne  sceal  he  in  circan  gangan,  p.  80,  1.  23.  Ond  pas  wiif,  nemne 
seo  claesnunge  tiid  forftgeleore,  ne  scealon  heo  heora  werum 
gemengde  beon,  p.  78, 1. 1.  Nemne  aer  paet  fyr  paere  unrehtan 
willunge  from  mode  acolie,  ue  sceal  he  hine  wyrSe  tilgan,  p. 
80,  1.  31.  Hine  ne  forgifeft  paette  he  mote  in  Godes  has  gan- 
gan nemne  he  sy  waetre  aiSwegen,  p.  84,  1.  26. 

§  57.  2.  Conditions  with  the  preterite  Subjunctive  in  the  Pro- 
tasis, and  the  Indicative  in  the  Apodosis. — Only  three  condi- 
tions of  this  class  with  unmistakable  subjunctive  forms  occur 
in  Bede,  and  in  all  three  the  protasis  is  negative  introduced 
by  nemne  (2),  gif — ne  (1)  (Lat.  nisi  (2),  si — non  (1) ).  The  third 
of  these  (p.  366,  11.  26-30),  shows  the  Subjunctive  in  both 
members  in  the  Latin  original,  the  mood  and  tense  (perfect 
form)  in  the  apodosis  being  due  to  Bede's  late  Latin  indirect 


32 

discourse  construction  after  quia.  The  Anglo-Saxon,  as  is  fre- 
quentty  the  case,  loses  sight  of  the  indirect  discourse,  and  rep- 
resents the  sentence  as  an  independent  statement.  In  the 
other  two  examples,  however,  the  Latin  has  the  Indicative  in 
the  apodosis,  with  the  Subjunctive  in  the  protasis.  It  has 
seemed  best  to  give  the  Latin  in  full,  in  order  to  see  to  what 
extent  it  coincides  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  structure.  In  the 
order  in  which  these  examples  are  given  below,  the  first  is  an 
occurrence  of  the  rare  conditional  form,  the  Ideal  from  the 
Point  of  View  of  the  Past.  (Gildersleeve  Latin  Grammar, 
§  596,  2.)  The  Indicative  in  the  apodosis  is  due  to  the  poten- 
tial idea  of  the  verb  (posse).  With  regard  to  this  form  in 
Latin,  Prof.  Gildersleeve  says  :  "When  non  possum  is  followed 
by  nisi  (si — non),  the  protasis  has  the  Ideal  of  the  Past  after  a 
past  tense."  (Lat.  Gram.,  §  596,  R.  3).  Hence,  in  the  first 
example  below,  the  Anglo-Saxon  corresponds  exactly  to  a  rare, 
though  regular  form  of  the  Latin  Ideal  Condition,  and  the 
mood  is  due  to  the  idea  of  uncertainty.  In  the  other  two 
examples  the  Latin  shows  the  form  of  condition  known  as  the 
Iterative.  Of  this  condition,  Prof.  Peters  (Syntax  of  the  Latin 
Verb,  §  363),  says:  "The  mood  is  regularly  the  Indicative  in 
the  Protasis  and  Apodosis,  where  particularly  in  late  Latin, 
the  Subjunctive  is  more  usual,  in  fact  the  rule,  in  the  protasis. 
It  is  used  in  describing  habits,  customs  and  the  general  effect 
of  actions,  in  the  different  spheres  of  time.  The  tenses  are  in 
the  Past  time,  the  Imperfect  and  Imperfect  when  the  actions 
are  coincident,  the  Pluperfect  and  Imperfect,  less  frequently 
the  Aorist,  when  one  action  is  completed  and  precedes*  the 
other."  Hence  it  would  seem  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  employed 
here  the  same  structure  as  the  Latin,  and  the  condition  ap- 
proaches closely  the  Greek  General  Condition  in  Past  time. 
The  Latin  perfect  subjunctive  form  in  the  3d  example  repre- 
sents the  aoristic  perfect  Indicative,  the  mood  being  due  to 
the  oblique  relation  as  mentioned  above. 

Examples — 1.  Ideal. — Ne  him  mon  on  o$re  wisau  his  bene 
tygpian  wolde  nemne  he  Cristes  geleafan  onfenge,  p.  220,  1.  26. 
(Lat.  Neque  aliter,  quod  petebat,  impretrari  potuit,  nisi  fidem 


33 

Christi  acciperet.)  2.  Iterative  in  Past  Thne. — Ne  he  on  horses 
hricge  cuinan  wolcle,  nemne  hwilc  mare  nyd  abaedde.  p.  160, 1. 
17.  (Lat.  Discurrere  per  cuncta  et  urbana  et  rustica  loca,  non 
equorum  dorso,  sed  pedura  incessu  vectus,  nisi  forte  necessitas 
conpulisset,  solebat.)  3.  Ond  symle,  gif  hire  hefigre  untrym- 
nesse  ne  bewere,  of  paere  tide  uhtsanges  oft  hluttorne  daeg  in 
cirican  in  halgan  gebedum  stod,  p.  318, 11.  22-24.  (Lat.  Semper 
si  non  infirmitas  gravior  prohibuisset,  in  ecclesia  precibus  in- 
t"enta  persteterit.) 

§  58.  Remark. — In  some  instances  gif  is  equivalent  to  "  in 
case  that."  In  such  sentences  the  protasis  becomes  virtual 
indirect  discourse,  as  it  implies  a  thought  or  intention  on  the 
part  of  the  subject  of  the  principal  clause  or  apodosis.  When 
the  verb  in  the  Apodosis  is  one  of  Commanding  or  Demanding, 
gif  has  regularly  this  sense.  In  both  cases  the  Preterite  Sub- 
junctive  seem.s  due  rather  to  the  idea  of  Indirect  Discourse  or 
to  the  Verb  of  Wishing,  than  to  the  supposition. 

Examples. — Geaf  he  ond  sealde  pact  betste  hors  Aidane 
paem  biscope,  gif  hwylce  ned  gelumpe,  paet  he  hraedlicor 
feran  sealde,  p.  196,  11.  9-10.  Da  se  biscop  mid  his  honda 
slog  tacen,  gif  hwilc  mon  ute  waere,  paet  he  in  to  him  code, 
p.  264,  11.  33-34.  See  also  p.  126,  11.  1J-12 ;  p.  414,  11.  17-19. 

Da  heht  he  him  beresaed  bringan,  gif  wen  waere  paet  paet 
wexan  wolde,  oftpe  ftaere  eorSan  gecynd  waere,  p.  366,11.  26-30. 
Agustinum  him  to  biscope  gecoren  haefde,  gif  heora  lar  oufongen 
waere,  p.  56,  1.  8. 

To  iSaem  se  foresprecena  Cristes  caempa  cuman  wolde,  gif 
wen  waere,  paet  he  ftaer  hwelce  mohte  diofle  oftgripan  ond  to 
Criste  gecerran,  p.  408,  11.  25-27. 

§  59.  c.  The  Unreal  Conditional  Sentence. — When  the  sup- 
position is  contrary  to  fact,  the  Preterite  Subjunctive  is  used 
in  both  Protasis  and  Apodosis,  and  no  distinction  is  made  in 
form  between  the  Unreal  of  the  Present  and  the  Unreal  of  the 
Past.  Hence  the  Preterite  Subjunctive  represents  both  the 
Latin  Imperfect  and  Pluperfect  Subjunctive  in  such  condi- 
tions. The  Indicative  sometimes  occurs  in  one  or  both  mem- 
bers of  the  condition.  Frequently  the  apodosis  is  the  Unreal 
of  the  Past,  and  the  protasis  of  the  Present  or  vice  versa, 


34 

§  60.  Examples.  Unreal  of  the  Present. — Gif  ic  nu  on  oiSrum 
life  waere  ponne  waere  min  sawl  paer  purh  his  pingunge  from 
pam  ecum  bendum  ond  witum  onlysed,  p.  328,  11.  11—13. 

Unreal  of  the  Past. — Gif  he  from  paem  untrymnesse  gehaeled 
waere,  he  wolde  to  Home  feran,  p.  274,  1.  31.  paet  lif  he  oft 
ond  geara  wolde  geceosan  ond  paet  eorSlice  rice  forlaetan, 
gif  him  ne  wrSstode  paet  wrSerworde  mod  his  wifes,  p.  294, 11. 
8-10. 

Mixed  Condition,  Past  and  Present. — ForSon  gif  pa  pisses 
monnes  feo  ue  onfenge,  ue  burne  his  wiite  on  pe,  p.  216,  1.  9. 

§  61.  The  Conditional  Relative. — Sentences  introduced  by 
Indefinite  Relative  Pronouns  and  Adverbs,  being  equivalent  to 
general  suppositions  occur  with  the  constructions  mentioned 
above,  and  may  be  classified  in  the  same  way. 

Examples.  With  Subjunctive  in  Protasis  or  Rel.  Clause. — 
Donne  pis  tacen  pislic  pe  tocyme,  ponne  gemyne  pu  pas  tide 
uncres  gespreces,  p.  130,  1.  15.  Ono  se  mon  br5,  paes  pe  swa 
to  cweSenne  sy,  aeghwaefter  ge  gehaefted  ge  freo,  p.  88,  1.  23. 
Ahsa  paes  pu  willa,  p.  268,  1.  23.  Forpon  hy  nedde  se  to- 
wearda  winter  paet  heo  stille  wunedon  swa  hwaer  swa  heo 
meahten,  p,  256,  11.  15-17.  Daette  ofer  seo  oud  to  lofe,  sella$ 
aelmesse,  p.  66,  1.  13, 

§  62.  Conditional  Sentences  in  Indirect  Discourse. — In  Indi- 
rect Discourse  the  Conditional  Sentence  is  subject  to  the  usual 
rules  for  tense  and  mood,  so  that  frequently  the  Indicative  and 
Subjunctive  protasis  in  Direct  become  indistinguishable  in  In- 
direct Discourse.  A  tendency  to  prevent  this  confusion  by  re- 
taining the  Indicative  protasis  with  mood  unchanged  is  fre- 
quently shown.  (See  last  example  below.)  After  a  preterite 
leading  tense,  the  Unreal  and  the  condition  with  Subjunctive 
in  the  Protasis  only,  regularly  have  the  same  form  and  some- 
times all  three  may  be  blended  under  one  form. 

Examples. — Durh  pone  sacerd  waes  cweden  be  his  geferum, 
paette,  gif  heo  fram  wifum  claene  waeren,  paet  heo  moston 
onfon  ond  picgan  paforesettnesse  hlofes,  p.  84, 1.  14.  Cwaedon 
gif  heo  to  iSem  ealdormen  becwomen  ond  mid  hiene  sprecende 
waeran,  Saet  hio  him  fram  hiora  godum  acerden,  p.  416,  11. 


35 

17-20.     CySdon  him  openlice  ond  saedan  butan  he  him  maran 
andlyfne  sealdoD,  paet  he  woldan  him  self  niman,  p.  52,  1.  22. 

The  Condition  of  Comparison. 

§  63.  The  Condition  of  Comparison  is  introduced  by  swa  swa 
(sometimes  swa)  "  as  if."  (Lat.  ac  si,  velut  si,  quasi).  The 
comparison  is  always  contrary  to  fact ;  hence  the  Subjunctive 
Mood.  In  Bede  the  sentence  always  refers  to  past  time,  al- 
though the  form  for  the  present  would  be  the  same.  The  tense 
used  is  the  preterite,  and  the  mood  is  very  consistent,  only  one 
instance  occurring  of  the  Indicative,  given  below.  In  this  the 
Indicative  seems  to  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the  verb  (meahton) 
itself  is  potential  in  meaning. 

Examples. — OiSer  hiora  (the  comets)  foreeode  pa  sunnan  on 
morgen,  ofter  on  aefeu  aefterfyligde,  swa  swa  hie  witegan  were 
grimmes  waeles,  p.  476,  11.  10-12.  pa  waes  ic  sona  swa  ic 
hefgum  slaepe  aweht  waere,  p.  402,  11.  12-13.  Eall  iSaet  sar 
ond  se  ece  ge  of  ininuru  earme  ge  of  eallum  minum  lichoman 
eall  onweg  alaeded  waes,  efne  swa  se  biscope  pone  ece  ond  paet 
sar  mid  hiene  ut  baere,  p.  394,  11.  4-7.  Da  gefelde  he  swa  swa 
mycel  bond  ond  brad  his  heofod  gehrine  in  iSaem  daele  pe  paet 
sar  oud  seo  adl  waes,  p.  380,  11.  11-13.  Swylce  eac  ealle  iSa 
hraegl  swa  hwit  ond  swa  neowe  wunderlice  aeteawdon,  swa  he 
•$y  ilcan  daege  midgewered  waere,  p.  376, 11. 2-5.  Waes  paet  eac 
micel  wuudor,  paet  seo  phruh  waes  swa  gescrepe  paere  faem- 
nan  lichoman  gemeted,  swa  swa  heo  synderlice  hire  gegearwod 
waere,  p.  324,  11.  1-3.  pa  waes  he  (the  body)  gemeted  swa 
ungebrosnad  ond  swa  ungewemmed  swa  heo  py  ylcan  daege 
forSfered  ond  bebyrged  waere,  p.  320,  11.  15-17.  Eft  heo  swa 
swa  heo  leohtlice  gebylged  waere  aefter  pon  heo  cwae$,  p. 
290,  11.  18-19.  pa  geswigade  heo  hwon,  swa  swa  heo  bidende 
waere  his  andsware,  p.  290,  11.  16-17.  Ond  in  gemet  para 
biddendra  swa  swa  heo  to  hire  lifigende  spraece,  baed.  p.  288, 
11.  32-33.  Da  geseoh  heo,  swa  swa  mid  gyldnum  rapum  he  in 
pa  uplican  ahefen  waere,  p.  288,  11.  16-17.  pa  waes  he  meted 
swa  unseeded  swa  he  in  pa  ilcan  tid  of  pissum  leqhte  gelaeded 


36 

waere,  p.  218,  1.  26.  pa  gemette  he  his  earm  ond  his  hond 
swa  hale  ond  swa  gesunde  swa  him  naef re  bryce  ne  daro  gedon 
waere,  p.  158,  1.  2.  (See  also  p.  292, 1.  31,  seq.,  p.  120,  1.  32.) 

With  the  Indicative. — pa  ongunnon  heo  pa  heargas  edniwian 
swa  swa  heo  purh  pas  ping  meahton  fram  pam  woole  ond 
fram  paere  deaplicnesse  gescilde  waere,  p.  250,  11.  9-12. 

In  Indirect  Discourse. — pyslic  me  is  gesewen,  pu  cyning, 
pis  andwearde  lif  manna  swylc  swa  pu  aet  swaesendum  sitte 
mid  pinum  ealdormannum  ond  sie  fyr  onaeled  oud  pin  heall 
gewyrmed  ond  hit  rine  ond  sniwe  ond  stymie  ute ;  curne  ane 
spearwa  ond  hraetlice  paet  hus  purhfleo,  cume  purh  opre 
duru  in,  purh  oiSre  ut  gewite,  p.  134,  1.  24,  seq. 

3.   The  Subjunctive  in  Temporal  Clauses. 
After  aertyon  pe,  oftftaet,  until,  before. 

§  64.  The  Subjunctive  Mood  is  used  in  temporal  clauses  in- 
troduced by  aerpon,  aerlpon  J)e.  before,  until,  (Lat.  priusquam, 
quoadusque)  o^&aet  until  (Lat.  donee),  whose  action  looks  to  the 
future  for  fulfilment.  The  future  is  considered  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  leading  verb,  and  hence  may  be  future  from  the 
present,  or  future  from  the  past.  If  the  leading  verb  is  in  the 
present  tense,  the  fulfilment  is  necessarily  uncertain  and  the 
Subjunctive  is  the  invariable  construction.  After  the  preterite 
tense,  the  Subjunctive  does  not  necessarily  imply  the  non- 
fulfilment  of  the  action, — it  may  or  may  not  have  taken  place. 
The  Indicative,  however,  is  used  only  when  the  fulfilment  is 
emphasized.  Hence  the  sole  example  of  the  preterite  used 
after  a  leading  clause  with  a  negative  is  in  the  Indicative  mood 
(see  p.  466,  11.  27-28,  quoted  below). 

Sometimes  the  Subjunctive  may  have  a  trace  of  purpose  or 
desire  (see  p.  380,  11.  1-3  ;  p.  204,  1.  31,  quoted  below). 

§  65.  Of  the  conjunctions  used  aerlpon,  aerpon  ])e,  appears 
followed  by  either  the  present  or  preterite,  but  usually  with  the 
Subjunctive  mood.  O^Saet  is  the  regular  conjunction  before 
the  preterite  tense,  after  a  negative  in  the  principal  clause. 

§  66.  Examples, 


37 

After  aerpon  (pe).  Present  Tense. — To  hire  gerestscipe 
ponne  hire  wer  ne  sceal  gangau  aerpon  paet  acenuende  beam 
from  meolcum  awened  sy,  p.  76,  1.  28.  Se  wer,  se  $e  his  wiife 
gemengad  brS,  aerpon  he  bebaftod  S}T,  mot  he  in  circan  gon- 
gan  ?  p.  74,  1.  19. 

Preterite  Tense. — Ac  aerpon  heo  seo  heannis  paes  wealles 
gefylled  waes  ond  geendad,  he  se  cyning  mid  arleasne  cwale 
ofslegen  waes,  p.  138,  1.  26.  peo  halga  wer,  aerpon  pe  he 
biscop  geworden  waere,  tu  aeftele  mynster  he  getimbrede,  p. 
282,  11.  9-11. 

After  oftftaet.  After  Preterite  Tense  only, — pa  heald  paere 
cyrican  biscophad  an  gear  Wilfrid  se  arwyrSa  biscop  o^paet 
se  biscop  gecoren  waere,  p.  374,  11.  6-8.  Ond  pa  baad  feower 
monaiS,  o&5aet  him  feaxe  geweoxe,  p.  254, 1.  31.  Ond  his  lich- 
oman  se  ilca  ealdormon  Eorconwald  onfeng  ond  in  portice  his 
cirican  sumre  geheald  o^Spaet  seo  cirice  gehalgod  waere,  p.  218, 
1.  22. 

In  Indirect  Discourse. — pa  gepohte  he  on  his  mode  nytte 
gepeahte,  pet  he  wolde  to  cynican  cuman  ond  paer  his  cneow 
began  oftpaet  he  from  iSaere  adle  genered  waere,  p.  380, 11.  1—2. 

O^p act  followed  l>y  the  Indicative  (pret.  See  above,  §  64)  — 
Seo  adle  weax  ond  hefigade,  oftftaet  he  waes  to  pam  ytemestan 
daege  geledded,  p.  442,  11.  24-25. 

After  a  negative. — He  paes  ne  blon,  o&Saet  he  from  Gocle 
onfeng,  his  arfaestre  wilsumnesse,  p.  466,  11.  27-28. 

Remark. — Two  instances  occur  of  other  conjunctions  used 
in  a  similar  sense,  hwonne,  until,  and  swa  longe  swa,  so  long  as 
(cf.  Lat.  quam  diu). 

Ex. — Ond  paer  hwile  bad,  hwonne  his  horse  bet  wurde  oiSpe 
he  hit  paer  dead  forlete,  p.  178,  1.  23.  Bearnaft  me  eower 
blaecern  ond  leohte  swa  longe  swa  ge  willen,  p.  286,  11.  20-21. 

4.   The  Concessive  Sentence. 

§  67.  The  Concessive  Sentence,  denoting  that  the  action  of 
the  principal  clauses  takes  place  in  spite  of  that  of  the  depend- 
ent clause,  is  introduced  by  peah  (pe/*)  pc',  Ipeah  (peh),  though, 


38 

although  (Lat.  quamvis,  etsi,  etiamsi),  with  the  verb  regularly 
in  the  Subjunctive  Mood,  present  or  preterite  tense.  In  two 
examples  (see  below)  the  Indicative  occurs  to  emphasize  the 
reality  of  the  action. 

§  68.  Examples.  Present  Tense. — Bryttas  ponue,  peah  pe 
hie  of  miclum  daele  Ongolpeode  ond  pone  steall  ealre  rihtge- 
lyfedre  Godes  cirican  afehted,  hwaepere  him  is  wrSstanden 
paet  hi  no  hweperum  hira  willnunge  habban  ne  purhteon  magon, 
p.  480,  11.  1—6.  peah  pe  pu  mic  hate  ealle  niht  waeccende  in 
gebedum  stondon,  ond  peah  pe  ic  sceole  ealle  wicau  faestan,ic 
paet  leoflice  do,  p.  350,  11.  29-31.  Ic  Theodor,  peah  ic  un- 
wyrSe  sy,  waes  ic  fram  paem  apostolican  seiSle  sended  biscop 
Contwara  burge  cirican,  p.  276,  11.  15—17.  ForSon,  peah  pe 
pis  fyr  sy  egeslic  ond  micel  gesegen,  hwaeiSre  hit  aefter  weorca 
gegearnunge  anra  gehwylcne  demeiS  ond  beornaiS,  p.  214,  1.  7. 
All  oSer  ping  iSa  ge  doiS,  peah  heo  ussum  peawnm  wifterworde 
syn,  we  gepyldelice  araefnaS,  p.  102,  1.  16.  Ne,  peah  pe  he 
bibaftod  sy,  sone  mot  ingangan,  p.  80,  1.  24.  Ond  peah  pe 
paet  wiite  hwene  heardor  ond  stranger  don  sy,  ponne  is  hit  of 
lufan  to  donne,  p.  68,  1.  6.  Ond  peah  pe  se  swile  iSaes  earmes 
nu  gena  gesene  sie,  hwaeftre  paet  sar  is  ealle  ofgewiten,  p. 
394,  11.  7-8. 

Preterite  Tense. — pa  cwelleras  aredon  him  ond  ne  woldon 
hine  cwellan  mid  py  biscope,  peah  pe  paet  his  wille  waere,  p. 
456, 11. 9-11.  Ond  peah  Se  he  geloinlice  monad  waere,  hwaeftre 
he  forhogade  $a  haelo  word,  p.  436,  11.  29-30.  Seo  an  hinne 
aawunade,  peh  pe  hio  swrSe  forht  were  ond  heofiende,  p.  422, 
1.  31,  seq.  Ne  Wihtbriht  owiht  fremede,  peh  pe  in  $a  daelas 
become,  p.  414,  11.  1-2.  Ond  peh  pe  he  gewiss  geworden 
waere  purh  $a  aetewnesse  paere  gesihfte,  nohte  pon  laes  he  his 
fore  gegearwede  mid  pain  gemyndgadum  broiSrum,  p.  412,  11. 
5-7.  Waes  se  wer  in  wisdome  gewrito  wul  gelaered,  "Seah  pe 
he  no  sie  his  foregeugan  to  wibmeotene,  p.  408,  11.  2-5.  Ond 
peah  $e  ic  georne  baede,  ne  meahte  uaenga  pinga  lefnesse  abid- 
dan,  p.  400,  1],  10-11.  Ond  Hrofesceastre  eac  swelce,  in  pa6re 
waes  Putta  biscop,  peah  pe  he  in  $a  tid  paer  ondweard  ne 
waere,  he  mid  gemaene  hergunge  fornom,  p.  298,  11.  16-18. 


39 

Ond  peah  pe  waergcweodole  Godes  rice  gesetton  ne  maegen, 
hwaeftre  is  gelyfed  paette  pa  be  gewyrhte  wyrgde  waeron  for 
heora  arleasnesse,  p.  356, 11.  26-28.  peah  pe  he  swiiSe  wiiSwin- 
nende  waere,  mid  anmode  willan  heora  ealra  he  waes  ofer- 
swrSed,  p.  368, 11.  16-18.  Ac  for  intingan  hersumnesse  ic  haten 
gepafode,  paet  ic  pone  had  underhnah,  peah  iSe  ic  unwyrSe 
waere,  p.  260,  11.  7—8.  In  $a  ilcau  tiid  waeron  in  Eastseaxna 
maegiSe  twegen  cyningas  Sighere  ond  Sebbe,  peah  pe  heo 
Wulfhere  Merena  cyning  underpeode  waeren  in  hernesse,  p. 
250,  11.  1-4.  ForSon  Osweo  soiSlice  ouget,  peah  pe  from  Scot- 
turn  afeded  ond  gelaered  waere,  paet  seo  Romanisce  cirice  ond 
seo  apostolice  waes  rehtgelefed,  p.  248, 11.  6-8.  pa  ondette  he? 
paet  he  lustlice  wolde  Cristen  beon,  peah  pe  he  no  furSum  pa 
faemnau  anfenge,  p.  220,  1.  30.  Ond  swa  waes  geworden,  paet 
he  hine  aswefede  ond  gestilde,  peah  pe  he  lichomlice  ne  paer 
aefweard  waere,  p,  200,  1.  23.  Geaf  he  ond  sealde  paet  betste 
hors  ond  paes  faegerestan  eondes  Aidane  paem  biscope  peah 
pe  he  gewuna  waere  paet  he  ma  eode  ponne  he  ride,  p.  196,  1. 
7.  Ond  peah  pe  he  mid  heanisse  paes  eorSlican  rices  swa 
ahefen  waere,  nohte  pon  laes  he  pearfum  ond  elpeodigum 
symle  eaiSmod  ond  fremsum  ond  rummod  waes,  p.  164, 11.  25-27. 
Waes  se  foresprecena  cyning  Raedwald  aeSelre  gebyrde,  peh 
pe  he  on  daede  unaeiSele  waere,  p.  142, 11.  9-10.  peah  pe  paet 
waere  paet  deofolgeldum  ne  peowode,  p.  124,  1.  14.  Ac  swa 
se  apostol  cwaeiS,  peah  pe  he  micelre  tide  wunne  in  his  lare, 
paette  God  pa  mood  para  ungeleafsumra  ablaende,  p.  122,  1.  6. 
Oud  peoh  iSe  heora  alderas  forlorene  waeren,  ne  meahte  paet 
folc  pa  gen  gereoht  beon,  p.  114, 1.  5.  Be  pam  cirSes,  peah  pe 
he  mid  waetre  f ulluhtes  baepes  apwegen  ne  waere,  paet  he  waes 
geclaensad,  p.  40,  1.  14. 

With  the  Indicative  to  Emphasize  a  Fact.  Present. — Ond 
peah  iSe  hie  synd  of  miclum  daele  heora  seolfes  onwealdes, 
hwaepere  of  miclum  daele  hy  syndou  Ongolcynnes  peowdome 
betaehte  ond  under  peodde,  p.  480,  11.  6-8. 

Preterite. — Ond  peah  $e  heo  unc  swa  bregdon  ond  fyrhton, 
ne  dorston  heo  mec  hwaeftre  gehrinan,  p.  428,  11.  12-14. 

§  69.  Ipea/i  ipe  with  Verbs  and  Expressions  of  Wonder,  etc. — 


40 

A  peculiar  usage  occurs  with  verbs  and  expressions  of  wonder, 
etc.,  where  the  clause  introduced  by  peak  Ipe  is  equivalent  to  a 
substantive  clause  introduced  by  paet. 

Examples. — Is  paet  hwelc  wundor  peah  be  he  pone  daeg 
his  deaftes  oftpe  ma  pone  Drihtues  daeg  bliiSe  gesege?  p.  268, 
11.  6-8.  Ne  waes  paet  pouue  to  wundrienne,  peah  pe  paes 
c}'ninges  beue  mid  him  swiiSade  ond  genge  waeren,  p.  188, 
1.  4.  Ne  paet  swibe  to  wundrienue  is,  peah  pe  in  paere 
stowe  his  deaiSes  untrumue  haelo  onfenge,  p.  178,  1.  12. 

§  70.  peak  pe  followed  by  a  negative  (ne),  is  frequently  equiva- 
lent to  the  Mod.  Eog.  without  with  the  verbal  in  — ing.  Ex. — Ac 
ne  haefdon  wit  inonig  oiSer  uncymre  hors,  paet  wit  meahton 
pearfum  to  tigiSe  sellan,  peali  pu  paet  hors  him  ne  sealde, 
paet  ic  pe  synderlice  to  aehte  geceas,  p.  196,  11.  18-20. 

5.   The  Subjunctive  after  ponne  (pon)  than. 

§  71.  When  two  statements  are  placed  side  by  side  in  com- 
parison, connected  by  ponne  (pon)  than,  if  the  subject-matter 
of  the  second  sentence  is  of  relatively  less  importance  than 
that  of  the  first,  the  verb  in  the  second  sentence  is  regularly  in 
the  Subjunctive  Mood.  This  Subjunctive  can  certainly  not  be 
considered  as  the  mood  of  desire.  It  is  probably  due  to  the 
idea  of  inferiority,  and  it  seems  best  to  classify  it  under  the 
mood  of  uncertainty.  It  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  the 
second  statement  is  untrue,  but  simply  that  the  quality  attri- 
buted in  it  was  possessed  in  a  less  degree  than  that  attributed 
in  the  principal  clause.  See  Hotz.,  §  26«. 

Examples. — pa  gehadade  he  surnne  mon,  se  waes  ma  in 
ciriclecum  peodseipum  ond  in  lifes  bylwitnesse  gelaered,  pon 
he  from  waere  in  worulde  pingum,  p.  260,  11.  16-18.  pa  ge- 
lomp  paet  paer  micle  ma  moucynnes  adronc  on  paem  waetre 
ponne  mid  sweorde  ofslegen  waere,  p.  236,  11.  19-20.  paet 
bysceoplice  lif  ge  lare  ma  beeode  on  lufan  gastlicra  maegena 
ponne  he  on  leorounge  gelaered  waere,  p.  446,  11.  7-9. 

6.   The  Subjunctive  in  Substantive  Clauses. 
§  72.  Any  clause  used  as  the  logical  subject  of  a  sentence  is 
regularly    expressed    in    the    Subjunctive    Mood.     The    use 


41 

of  the  subjunctive  here  is  due  to  the  idea  of  dependency 
and  not  to  one  of  Indirect  Discourse  or  of  Purpose.  Instances 
do  occur  where  the  substantive  has  such  a  meaning,  but  this 
is  due  to  the  nature  of  the  leading  verb.  The  idea  expressed 
by  the  substantive  clause  is  conceived  of  as  a  thought,  hence 
the  use  of  the  Subjunctive  (see  §  8,  Ind.  Disc.). 

§  73.  Substantive  Clauses  with  the  verb  in  the  Subjunctive 
occur  after  Impersonal  Verbs  and  Expressions  of  Fitness, 
Right,  Need,  Custom,  Advantage  and  Disadvantage. 

Examples. — Eac  swylce  gedafonad  paet  heo  engla  aefen- 
weardas  in  heofonum  sy,  p.  96,  1.  25.  Forpon  us  gedafena~3, 
paet  we  his  heofonlicre  monunge  mid  gedefenlice  ege  ond 
lufan  ondswarige,  p.  270,  11.  2-3.  Alleluia,  paet  gedafeua$, 
paette  Gocles  lof  usses  scyppendes  in  paem  daelum  gesungen 
sy,  p.  96,1.  33.  Forpon  gedafenaS  paette  seo  aelice  gegadrung 
lichamau  seo  for  intingan  tudres  ond  seo  gemenges  paes 
flaesces  seo  for  intingan  beorna  to  cennenne,  p.  82, 1.  17.  Waes 
paet  eac  gedefeu  paette  paet  swefn  gefylled  waere,  p.  336,  1. 
28.  Nis  paet  relit  paet  heo  sy  bescyred  from  Godes  circan 
ingange,  p.  78,  1.  9.  ponne  is  peaw  paes  apostolican  series 
paette  feower  daelas  beon  scyle,  p.  64,  1.  16.  Waes  paet  paes 
wyrSe  paet  seo  stow  swa  wlitig  ond  swa  faeger  waere,  p.  38,  1. 
28.  paet  naenige  pinge  beon  meahte  paet  hy  butan  paere 
halgan  geclaesnunge  fulwihtes  baeiSes  paem  halgan  hlafe 
gemaensumede,  p.  112,1.  21.  Aeghwae$er  ge  pe  $aes  is  pearf 
ge  monegum  paet  hio  hiora  synna  mid  godum  weorcum  alese, 
p.  354,  1.  11.  Daet  is  sorlic  paette  swa  faeger  feorh  ond  swa 
leohtes  ondwlitan  men  scyle  agan  ond  besittan  peostra  aldor, 
p.  96,  1.  19.  Daes  waes  to  tacne,  ponne  he  Gode  onsaegdnesse 
baer  oud  messan  sung,  iSaet  he  his  stefne  on  heanesse  ne  ahofe, 
p.  370,  11.  9-11. 

Remark. — After  paet  is,  introducing  a  sentence  in  apposition 
with  or  explaining  a  preceding  statement,  paet  with  a  sub- 
stantive clause  in  the  subjunctive  is  used.  Ex.  Daet  is,  paet 
he  hine  scyldigne  ongete  swa  swa  o$  aefeutid,  p.  86,  11.  2-3. 
Ac  he  is  mid  waetre  to  apweanue,  paet  is  paet  he  pa  synne 
paes  gepohtes  mid  tearuru  apwea,  p.  86,  1.  2. 


42 


II.  THE  SUBJUNCTIVE  AS  THE  MOOD  OF  DESIRE. 

§  74.  The  Subjunctive  as  the  Mood  of  Desire  represents  the 
primitive  Optative  or  Wishing  Mood.  The  idea  of  wishing 
may  occur  either  in  the  principal  or  in  the  dependent  clause  ; 
as  the  principal  clause  to  express  a  wish  or  as  the  representa- 
tive of  the  Imperative,  in  dependent  clauses  in  various  uses 
involving  the  idea  of  willing  or  wishing. 

1.    The  Optative  Subjunctive. 

§  75.  The  Subjunctive  as  the  Mood  of  Desire  occurs  in 
principal  clauses  to  express  a  wish  or  a  command. 

§  76.  A  wish  referring  to  future  time  is  expressed  by  the 
present  Subjunctive.  No  examples  occur  of  the  wish  impos- 
sible of  fulfillment  (unreal  wish  in  present  or  past  time). 

Examples. — Ne  forealdige  peas  hond  aefre !  p.  166,  1.  11. 
"  Seo  wuldor,"  cwae$  heo,  "Drihtnes  noman,"  p.  322,  11.  3-4. 
Truma  pec  hraeiSe  ond  wel,  p.  396, 1.  31. 

§  77.  The  3rd  Person,  singular  and  plural,  of  the  Present 
Subjunctive  is  used  regularly  as  the  representatve  of  the  3rd 
Person  of  the  Imperative.  The  Mod.  Eng.  translation  is 
"  let  "  with  the  infinitive. 

Examples. — Se  pe  hine  ahabban  ne  maeg,  haebbe  his  wiif, 
p.  82,  1.  31.  Nimen  heom  wiif  ond  heora  andleofan  utan  on- 
fangen,  p.  64,  1.  27.  Ond  purh  swa  hwelces  bene  swa  he 
gehaeled  sy,  pisses  geleafa  ond  wyrcnis  seo  lifed  God  onfenge 
ond  allum  to  fylgenne,  p.  100,  1.  2.  Laede  mon  hider  to  us 
sumne  untrumne  mon,  p.  98,  1.  31.  Ac  feor  paet  la  sy,  paette 
Godes  cirice  mid  aeteacnesse  onfo,  p.  68,  1.  19.  No  Ex.  of  1st 
per.  plur. 

Remark. — One  example  occurs  of  the  2nd  Person  present 
Subjunctive  singular  of  ne  willan  with  the  infinitive,  a  literal 
translation  of  the  Latin  negative  imperative  construction. 

JKxample. — Ne  welle  pu  i$e  ondredan,  p.  424,  1.  2.  (Lat. 
orig.  has  Noli  timere.) 


43 

2.  Sentences  of  Purpose. 

a.  Pare  final  Sentences. 

§  78.  Sentences  of  Purpose  (Final  Sentences)  are  introduced 
by  paet  (negative  tyaet  py  laes,  ~$y  laes,  Ipaet  —  ne)  and  regularly 
take  the  Subjunctive  Mood.  The  tenses  employed  are  the 
present  and  the  preterite,  the  present  after  a  present  tense, 
the  preterite  after  a  preterite  tense  in  the  principal  clause. 
The  Indicative  occasionally  appears  (see  §  83).  The  Mod. 
Eng.  translation  is  that,  in  order  that,  to,  in  order  to  ;  negative 
that,  etc. — not,  not  to,  in  order  not  to. 

§  79.  Positive  Purpose  is  expressed  by  Ipaet  with  the  Sub- 
junctive Mood. 

Examples.  Present  Tense. — Onfoh  pu  eorpe  lichaman  of 
pinum  lichaman  genumen  paet  pu  hine  eft  agyfen  maegge. 
p.  94,  1.  15.  poune  is  he  onbaerneune  ond  to  gebetenne  mid 
pinre  broftorlicnesse  lufan  ond  paette  he,  paiSe  wifterworde 
seondon  paere  haese  ond  bebodum  usses  scippendes  fram 
biscopa  peawum  bewerge,  p.  74,  1.  5.  In  gewitscipe  oiSpe 
feower  biscopa,  paet  heo  fore  his  gehaelde  paem  aelmihtigan 
Gode  aetgaedre  heora  bene  ond  gebedo  sendeu  ond  geoten, 
p.  72,  1.  19.  Forpon  hit  is  god  godne  to  herianne,  paet  se 
ge«eo  se  pe  bit  hyre,  p.  2,  1.  11.  See  also  p.  102,  11.  10-16 ; 
p.  268,  1.  29  seq  ;  p.  270,  11.  3-8. 

Preterite  Tense. — Forlet  he  his  wif  and  land  and  magas, 
ond  epel  for  Cristes  lufan  ond  for  his  godspelle,  paet  he  on  pys- 
sum  life  hundteontigfealdlice  mede  onfenge  ond  on  paere 
toweardon  weorolde  ecce  lif,  p.  450,  11.  4-7.  Sona  sende 
aerendwracau  paet  heo  scolden  secgan  ond  cypan  paem  eadigon 
biscope  Scs  Gregorius  paette  Ongelpeod  haefde  onfangen 
Cristes  geleafan,  p.  64,  11.  1—2.  Geseoh  eac  swylce  his  sylfes 
ongesaelige  stowe  ond  carcern  betwih  swylce,  paet  he  py  earm- 
licor  georwenedre  haelo  her  nu  forwurde,  p.  444,  11.  20-22. 
paet  purh  i$a  uplican  stihtunge  Godes  aelmihtiges  geworden 
waes,  paet  we  gemunden,  p.  440,  11.  22-23.  Gecuron  hio  of 
hiora  riime  gemetfaestne  monn  in  his  peaum  ond  monpuerne 
heortan  SwiiSberht,  paet  se  him  gehalgad  were  to  biscope, 


44 

p.  420,  11.  8—10.  Swylc  him  eac  in  fta  tid  fulwihtes  se  gemyn- 
dega  papa  Petrus  to  namau  scop,  paet  he  paem  eadigestan 
para  apostola  eac  svvylce  his  noman  gemauan  geiSeoded  waere, 
p.  406,  11.  1—4.  Ond  him  ondweardum  het  secgan  paet  swefn 
ond  paet  leoft  singan,  paet  ealra  dome  gecoren  waere  hwaet 
o&5e  hwonon  paet  curuen  waere,  p.  344,  11.  21—23.  pa  licede 
paem  arfaestan  foreseonde  usse  haele  hire  pa  halgan  sawle  eac 
swylce  mid  langre  uutrymnesse  lichoman  ademde  ond  asodene 
beon,  paet  hire  maegen  in  untrumuesse  lichaman  gefremed 
ond  getrymed  waere,  p.  338,  11.  9—13.  paere  sweostor  maegen 
paet  aefter  paes  apostolis  cwide  in  untrymnesse  gefremed 
waere,  waes  heo  semninga  gehrinen  ond  mid  hefegre  untrym- 
nesse lichaman,  p.  288,  11.  4-6.  Ond  heo  hine  pa  to  Rome 
sendon  paet  he  paer  onfenge  aercebiscopes  hade  oud  reht- 
gelefde  biscopas  purh  ealle  Breotone  Ongolcynnes  cirican 
seopftan  hadian  meahte,  p.  248,  11.  11-14.  pa  ilcau  studu  in 
gemynd  paes  wandres  in  pa  ciricon  setton,  paette  pa  ingau- 
gendan  paer  heora  cneo  begean  scolden,  p.  204,  1.  29.  pa 
gesawon  heo  monige  men  aet  him  beou,  pa  $e  georne  ongun- 
non  paet  heo  his  wedenheortnesse  gestilden,  p.  184,  1.  34.  Ic 
prawade  ond  araefnede  aet  ic  mid  Criste  gesigfaested  waere, 
p.  114,  1.  26.  Ond  he  Scs  Gregorius  mid  his  gebedum  waes 
gefultumende  paet  heora  laer  waere  waestmbeorende,  p.  98, 
1.  12.  Waes  he  gerymlice  word  sprecende  paet  he  lifes  bysen 
waere  haligra  manna,  p.  94,  1.  23.  paet  mid  Drihtnes  mihte 
gestihtad  waes,  paet  yfel  wraec  come  ofer  iSa  wrScorenan, 
p.  50,  1,  15.  See  also  p.  58,  11.  21-22. 

§  80.  Negative  Purpose  is  expressed  by  pae t  py  lacs,  py  Laes, 
that  not,  lest,  and  paet — ne,  that  not.  (Lat.  ne.}  The  first  of 
these  is  exactly  equivalent  to  the  Latin  quominus,  but  is  not  so 
restricted  in  its  use,  being  the  regular  conjunction  introducing 
the  negative  final  sentence,  paet — ne  occurs  rarely,  though 
there  seems  to  be  a  tendency  to  employ  it  where  Mod.  Eng. 
would  use  that — not,  while  py  laes  represents  Mod.  Eng.  lest. 

§  81.  Examples.  After  py  laes. — Da  wiif  in  him  seolfum 
sculoii  lichaman  claennesse  healdon,  py  laes  heo  mid  pa  seolfum 
micelnisse  paes  ungeaehterids  lican  gerynes  hefigade  syn,p.84, 


45 

1.  12.  py  laes  hit  seo  mid  deaiSe  fornumeu,  aefter  hu  feala  daga 
alefaS  him  paem  geryne  onfoon  fulwihtes  baeftes,  p.  74, 1. 14.  Ne 
seondon  heo  to  biscergenne  gemaensumnesse  Cristes  lichoman 
ond  blodes,  py  laes  ou  him  gesegen  sy  pa  ping  onwrecen  beon, 
p.  70,  11.  30-32.  Ond  hwaeiSre  ic  pec  ne  wille  ofslean  py  laes 
ic  min  geliat  ond  mine  treawe  forlease,  p.  328, 11.  26-27.  Ond 
he  pa  baed  Cynebill  his  maessepreost  paet  he  pa  aerfastan 
ongymnisse  his  oufylde  ond  geendade,  py  laes  paet  aefest 
weorc  forlaeteu  waere,  p.  232, 11.  8-11.  He  araedde  paet  haefde 
meahte  ofterne  biscop  to  halgianne  py  laes  ned  waere  paet  heo 
swencte  waeron  ofer  swa  longue  waeg  saes  ond  landes,  p.  146, 
1.  23.  God  po  mood  para  ungeleofsurnra  ablaende  py  laes  him 
seine  seo  onlihtnes  Cristes  godspelles,  p.  122, 1.  7.  Ondswarede 
he  paet  paet  alyl'ed  waere,  py  laes  se  geleofa  ond  pa  geryno 
paes  heofonlican  cyuinges  gemanan  aidlad  waere,  p.  120, 1.  16. 
Waes  paet  paes  wyrSe,  paet  wift  paet  middangeardlicum  wiu- 
dnm  oud  legum  swrSan  meahte,  py  laes  heo  him  ond  his 
freondnm  sceiSeden,  p.  118,  1.  20.  Aefter  Agustini  filigde  in 
biscophade  Laurentius,  py  laes  him  for$  ferendum  se  steall 
swaneowre  ciricon  aenige  hwile  buton  heorde  taltrigon  ongunne, 
p.  106,  1.  19. 

A  fter  paet  py  laes. — Ono  paet  py  laes  tweoge  paet  'pis  soiS 
sy,  ic  cy$e  hwonan  me  pas  spell  coman,  p.  2,  1.  14. 

After  paet — ne. — S~^c  Paulinus  se  mid  heo  feran  sceolde, 
paet  he  in  pam  gemanan  para  haeiSeura  besmiten  ne  waere,  p. 
120,  1.  29. 

§  82.  Remark. — Two  examples  occur  of  the  Final  Sentence 
introduced  by  to  pon  paette,  to  the  end  that  a  more  definite 
form  of  the  usual  paet.  Ex. — Alle  Brette  biscopas  we  he- 
beodaS  pinre  broftorlicuesse  to  iSon  paette  ungelaerde  seou 
gelaerde,  oud  untrume  mid  pinre  trymenuse  syn  gestrangade 
ond  uurehte  mid  pinre  aldorlicnesse  seon  gerehte,  p.  74,  11. 
7-10.  purh  nigon  ger  full  swipe  swenced  waes,  to  pon  paette 
swa  hwaet  swa  unclaenes  betweoh  pa  maegen  purh  uuwisuesse 
oiSiSe  purh  ungemaenne  gelumpe,  paette  eal  pact  se  ofn  paere 
singolan  costunge  asude,  p.  288,  11.  5-9. 

Remark. — A    peculiar  use  of  the  Final   Sentence  appears 


46 

after  wv&  pon  pe,  on  condition  that,  and  like  expressions.  Such 
a  clause  appears  to  be  partly  final,  partly  conditional,  but  the 
idea  of  purpose  is  predominant,  as  shown  by  the  fact  that  paet 
alone  is  sometimes  used  with  this  sense.  Ex. — pa  sende  he 
soiia  aereudwracan  to  him  ond  rnicel  feoh  wi$  pon  pe  he  hine 
ofsloge  oftpe  him  to  cwale  agefe,  p.  126,  11.  21—22.  Sume  for 
hungre  ecne  peowdom  geheton,  wr3  pon  pe  him  mon  andlefne 
forgefe,  p.  54,  1.  4. 

After  paet  alone. — Him  wif  sealdon,  paet,  paer  seo  wise  on 
tweon  cyme,  paet  hi  ftonne  ma  of  pam  wifcynne  him  cyniug 
curan  ponne  of  pam  waepned  cynne,  p.  28,  1.  21. 

§  83.  Itemark — As  mentioned  above,  occasional  instances 
of  the  Indicative  in  a  Final  Sentence  occur.  In  two  of  the  three 
examples  from  our  author,  the  Indicative  is  evidently  due  to 
the  use  of  the  auxiliary  verbs  willan  and  magan,  which  involve 
in  themselves  an  optative  meaning,  willan  being  used  origi- 
nally only  as  an  optative  (see  Cook's  Siever's  O.  E.  Grammar, 
§  428).  In  the  third  the  Indicative  seems  due  to  the  confusion 
of  endings.  Ex. — Ond  seo  abbudisse  in  paet  getelde  eode  ond 
fea  monna  mid  heo,  paet  heo  pa  ban  woldon  up  adon,  p.  322, 
1.  1.  Sculon  we  ane  cySnesse  his  maegenes  secgan,  paet  we 
his  ofter  inaegeu  py  eaft  ongytan  magon,  p.  118,  1.  2.  Heo- 
fonrices  fultotnes  him  waeron  biddende,  paet  heo  oft  forwyrd 
aeghwaer  fordilgede  ne  waeron,  p.  54,  1.  12. 

§  84.  Relative  Clauses  expressing  Purpose. — Not  infre- 
quently, purpose,  instead  of  being  expressed  by  paet,  is  de- 
noted by  a  relative  pronoun,  followed  by  the  Subjunctive. 
The  tenses  used  are  the  same  as  in  the  common  form  of  the 
final  sentence.  The  Mod.  Eng.  translation  is  usually  the  In- 
finitive of  Purpose. 

Examples. — Oper  sacerd  in  paere  stowe  ne  biS,  se  pe  for 
hine  paet  geryne  maesse  songes  gegearwie,  p.  86,  1.  16.  Ne 
maegge  gemeted  beon  se  pe  alesed  sy,  p.  76,  1.  26.  Ac 
pe  sculon  of  Gallia  rice  biscopas  coman,  pa  pe  aet  bis- 
copes  halgunge  in  witscipe  stonde,  p.  72,  1.  16.  Baed  he 
paet  heo  him  biscop  onsende,  paes  lare  ond  pegnuuge 
Ongolpeod,  pe  rehte,  paes  Drihtenlecan  geleafan  gife  leornade 


47 

ond  paein  geryue  onfenge  fulwihtes  bae$es,  p.  158,  11.  9-11. 
pa  baed  he  Osweo  ftone  cyning,  paet  he  him  hwylcehwego 
lareovvas  sende,  pa  pe  his  peode  to  Cristes  geleafau  oncerde, 
ond  mid  pa  halwendan  wyllan  fulwihtes  haeftes  apvvoge,  p.  226, 
11.  6-8. .  Forpon  he  gewunade  gerisenlice  leoft  wyrcan,  pa  iSe 
to  aefaestnisse  ond  to  arfaestnisse  belumpen,  p.  342,  11.  4-6. 

b.    Verbs  of  Fearing. 

•  §  85.  Verbs  and  expressions  of  fear  in  Anglo-Saxon  are 
followed  by  Ipaet  with  the  Subjunctive,  the  use  of  the  tenses 
being  the  same  as  in  the  Pure  Final  Sentence.  Sometimes  ])y 
laes,  laes,  occurs  instead  of  Ipaet.  The  negative  is  pact — -ne. 
The  Mod.  Eng.  translation  is  that  or  lest. 

Examples. — HweiSre  he  pa  wisan  swigende  sceawede  ond 
ondred  $aet  hit  soft  waere,  p.  410,  11.  27-28.  pa  ongon  he 
forhtian  ond  ondraedan  pact  he  sona  to  hellelocum  gelaeded 
beon  sceolde,  p.  190,  1.  15.  pa  ougon  paes  cynelican  modes 
monn  hine  ondraedan  py  laes  he  owiht  unwyrSes  oiSpe  un- 
gerysnes  dyde,  p.  294,  11.  25-27. 

c.    The  Complementary  Final  Sentence. 

§  86.  The  Complementary  Final  Sentence  in  Anglo-Saxon  is 
introduced  by  Ipaet  (negative  ])uet — ne)  and  takes  the  Subjunc- 
tive Mood,  present  or  preterite  tense,  according  to  the  rule 
already  stated  for  the  Pure  Final  Sentence.  The  principal 
clause  contains  a  verb  or  expression  of  Wishing,  Commanding, 
etc.*  In  some  instances  the  Indicative  occurs  (see  §  94).  The 
Mod.  Eng.  translation  is  usually  the  infinitive  with  to,  some- 
times a  dependent  clause  introduced  by  that.  Most  of  the 
verbs  and  expressions  followed  by  the  Complementary  Final 
Sentence  in  Anglo-Saxon  may  also  be  used  with  the  infinitive, 
though  in  our  author  the  final  sentence  is  the  usual  construc- 
tion. 

§  87.  The  following  are  found  followed  by  the  Complemen- 
tary Final  Sentence : 

§  88.    Verbs  of  Willing  and  Wishing.     Examples.    Willan, — 


48 

Da  ongon  heo  gelomelice  secan  ond  ascian  in  hwelcre  stowe 
paes  mynstres  heo  woldon  paet  heora  liictuu  geseted  waere, 
p.  284,  11.  1-3.  Wolde  paet  be  in  pou  angete,  paet  paet  mon 
ne  waes,  p.  130,  1.  18.  Wilt  pu,  min  cild,  paet  ic  pe  laere, 
p.  186,  1.  25.  Wilnian. — Da  com  he  pider  to  him  ond  wilnade 
$aet  he  mid  his  balwendum  trymnessum  to  iSaem  npplican 
lustum  ma  ond  ma  onbaerned  waere,  p.  370,  11.  27—29.  Will- 
nade  he  se  cyning  paet  se  wer  swa  micelre  gelaerednesse  ond 
aefestnesse  him  syndrilice  untodaelede  geferscipe  maessepreost 
ond  lareow  waere,  p.  456,11.  28-30.  Ond  heo  ma  mid  geleafan 
paes  ecan  lifes  oud  aereste  wuldres  wilnadon  paet  heo  in 
paein  swulte,  p.  250,  11.  29-30.  Ongon  heo  on  hire  mynstre 
cirican  timbran  in  paere  heo  wilnade  paet  hire  licboinan 
bebyrged  waere,  p.  176,  1.  5.  Se  ilca  cyuing  Oswald  lufade 
ond  wiluade  paette  ealle  seo  peod  mid  paere  gife  paes  cristnan 
geleafan  gelaered  waere,  p.  158,  1.  5.  Lician,  impersonal. — 
ForiSou  paet  eallnm  gemaenelice  licade  paet  heo  ouweg  adyde 
pa  gemyud  para  treawleasra  cyuiuga,  p.  154,  1.  11. 

§  89.  Verbs  of  Asking,  Beseeching,  Entreating,  Urging,  Ex- 
horting, and  Inviting.  Examples. — Da  baed  se  gesiS  hiene, 
iSaet  he  eode  in  his  hus  ond  *$aer  mete  pege,  p.  394.  11.  20-21. 
Ond  mid  avfaestue  uugehygde  purh  his  fultum  waes  Dryhteu 
biddende  paet  he  him  arfaest  oud  milde  waere,  p.  380, 11.  9-10. 
Ond  heo  wrixeudlice  hine  baedon,  paet  he  him  eallum  blrSe 
waere,  p.  348,  11.  8-9.  Baed  he  swrSe  longe  pone  cyning  paet 
heo  moste  weoruldsorge  oud  gemaenne  forlaetau  ond  heo  forlete 
in  myustre  paern  soiSan  cyniuge  Criste  peawiau,  p.  318,11.2-4. 
Ond  hine  baed  paet  he  him  alefde  ond  forgefe,  paet  he  moste 
heo  gelaerau  iu  pa  gerynu  paes  cristnan  geleafan,  p.  308,  11. 
20-21.  Bued  hiue  paet  he  forgefe,  ponne  he  forS  feranscolde, 
paet  paer  ma  monna  iuue  ue  waere  ponue  se  biscop  ond  twegen 
his  pegua,  p.  294,  11.  29-31.  pa  baed  heo  paet  hy  mou  pider 
gebaere,  p.  288,  1.  32.  Baed  paet  hy  paet  blaecern  oud  paet 
leoht  adwaescten,  p.  286,  11.  12-13.  Ond  Wilferd  biscop  baed, 
paet  he  him  sirSfaetes  latteow  waere,  p.  274,  1.  33.  ForSon 
ge  biddaiS  ure  broker  paet  heo  mine  forSfore  mid  heora  gebe- 
dum  ond  benum  to  Drihtne  bebeoden,  p.  266,  11.  13-14.  Ic 


49 

pa  la  halsie  ond  bidde  fore  Godes  lufan  paet  pu  me  gesecge 
hwaet  se  song  waere  blissiendra,  p.  266,  11.  23-24.  Baed  he 
Theodor  biscop  paet  he  him  ond  his  leodum  biscop  funde  ond 
sealde,  p.  260,  11.  23-24.  Baed  Osweo  pone  cyning  paet  he 
paer  forgefe  stowe  mynster  on  to  timbrenne,  p.  238, 1.  23.  pa 
baed  he  hine  paet  he  sumne  dael  londes  aet  him  onfenge,  p. 
230,  1.  6.  pa  baedon  heo  Sigeberht  paet  he  mid  him  cwome 
to  paem  gefeohte,  p.  208,  1.  20.  Baed  hine  paet  he  for  hine 
gebaede,  p.  198,  1.  30.  Baed  paet  he  him  blrSe  waere,  p.  196, 
1.  29.  Mid  eaiSmodre  pingunge  ond  bene  hine  baed  paet  he 
hwurfe  to  paem  biscop  seiSle  his  peode,  p.  170,  1.  23.  Baed 
he  hine  paet  he  gewunade  in  his  peode  ond  heora  biscop  waere, 
p.  168,  1.  33.  Baed  he  paet  heo  him  biscop  onsende,  p.  158, 

I.  9.     His  cneo  begde  ond  God  waes  biddende  paet  he  in  swa 
micelre  nedpearfnisse  his  bigengum  mid   heofonlice  fultome 
gehulpe,  p.  154,  1.  23.     Ond  hine  baed  paet  he  his  lif  gescylde 
wr<$  swa  micles  ehteres  saetingum  ond  him  feorhyrde  waere,  p. 
126,  11.  16-17.     Baedon  paet  eft  seonoS  waere,  p.  100,  1.  16. 
Baed   God    Faeder   aelmihtigne  paet   he  pam   blindan   men 
gesyhiSe  forgefe,  p.  100,  1.  7.     pone  leornere  ic  nu  bidde  paet 
he  me  paet  otwite,  p.  6,  1.  3.     He  aelmihtigne  God  baed  paet 
he  him  forgeafe  paet  he  moste  ftone  waestm  heora  gewinnes 
geseon,  p.  56,  11.  20-21. 

Haitian. — Ic  ~Se  halsige  purh  Sone  lifigendan  Drihten,  ftaet 
pu  mec  ne  forlaete,  ac  paet  pu  sie  gemyndig  getreawan  geiSaftan 
ond  bidde  pa  uplican  arfaestnesse,  p.  372,  11.  7-9.  Baed  heo 
ond  halsode  paet  heo  gepwaerede  mid  pa  Cristes  cirican,  p. 
108,  1.  4.  pa  abaed  ic  geornlice  ond  halsede  paette  me  waere 
eac  lifnes  said  to  aernenne  ond  to  flitenne  mid  him,  p.  400,  11. 
7-9.  He  baed  hine  ond  halsade  paet  he  purh  his  bebod  cris- 
tene  gefremed  waere,  p.  32, 1. 7.  He  geornlice  baed  ond  halsade 
paet  he  to  $aem  untruman  ineode  ond  him  fore  baede,  p.  396, 

II.  22-23. 

Ipingian. — He  scolde  ea$modlice  for  heo  pingian  paet  heo 
ne  porfte  in  swa  frecne  srSfaet  feran,  p.  56,  1.  9. 

Neddan. — Eft  se  papa  nedde  pone  abbud  Adrianus,  paet  he 
biscophade  onfenge,  p.  254, 11. 12-13.  Heo  nedde  hire  untrym- 


50 

nesse  paet  heo  Cristes  hraegl  gehrine,  p.  78,  1.  18.  Trymian. 
He  pa  strangede  ond  trymede  paet  hi  faestlice  on  hiora  geleafan 
awunaden,  p.  160,  1.  23. 

§  90.  Verbs  of  Ordering,  Commanding,  Directing,  Warning, 
Teaching  and  Advising.  Examples. — Beodan  and  bebeodan. 
paer  on  bead  paet  hi  aeniga  gedyden  paet  WillfriS  waere 
onfangen  on  his  byscopscire,  p.  460,  1.  31  seq.  He  pa 
aerest  bebead  paet  heo  heora  hraegl  hwoosce  ond  claensade 
ond  heo  from  wiifum  ahaefde,  p.  84,  1.  5.  Ond  eac  bebead 
paet  mon  pam  disc  tobraece,  p.  166,  1.  8.  He  eallum  bebead 
paet  heo  in  his  hus  ne  eodon  ne  of  his  swaesendum  mete  pege, 
p.  228,  11.  12-13.  Forpon  se  apostolica  papa  bebead  Theo- 
dore biscope  paet  he  him  on  biscopscire  gerisne  stowe  fore- 
sege,  p.  256,  11.  32-34.  pa  bebead  he  paet  hine  mon  gebunde, 
p.  326,  11.  20-21.  Da  hebead  se  biscop  paet  .him  mon  lengran 
cwidas  biforan  cwaede,  p.  388,  1.  34  seq.  Oud  bebead  paet 
hio  mid  py  waetre  pwoge,  p.  396,  11.  3-5.  See  also  p.  486, 
11. 6-15.  Hatan. — Heton  paet  he  mid  his  geferum  of  heora  rice 
gewite,  p.  112,  1.  25.  Ond  he  hine  baed  ond  het  paet  he  inlice 
pam  biscope  freond  waere,  p.  464, 11.  8—9.  Ond  hine  het,  paet 
he  to  him  come,  p,  454,  11.  17-18.  pa  se  papa  heht  paet  he 
biscophade  onfenge,  p.  254,  11.  4-5.  Monian. — pa  waes  he 
godcundlice  manod,  paet  he  eft  his  ealond  ond  his  wic  gecure, 
p.  370,  11.  13-15.  Monede  se  cyning  hiene  gelomlice  paet  he 
ondette  ond  hate  ond  forlite  his  synna  ond  mandaeda,  p.  436, 
11.  27-28.  Bis  spel  we  forSon  settan  in  ure  bee,  paet  we  men 
monede  paet  hio  gesege  Dryhtnes  weorc,  p.  356,  11.  9-10.  In 
paere  he  waes  monad  paet  he  geornlice  aetfele  paere  ongunnan 
pegnunge  paes  godcundan  wordes  on  his  paem  gewunelican 
waeccenum  ond  gebedum  geornlice  peawe,  p.  210, 11. 15-17.  Ac 
seondon  heo  to  monienne  paet  heo  ahebban  heo  fram  swyl- 
cum  unrihtum  ond  ongyten  paette  paet  is  hefig  synn  ond  him 
ondraedan  pam  forhtiendan  Godes  dom,  p.  70,  11.  26-28.  See 
also  p.  266, 11. 3-9.  Laeran. — Forpon  ic  ponne  nu  laere,  cyniug, 
paet  paet  tempi  ond  pa  wigbedo  pa  hrafte  forleosen,  ond  fyr, 
forbaerne,  p.  136,  1.  20.  Hine  sponon  ond  laerdou  paet  he  pa 
fore  purhtoge,  p.  452,  11,  14^-15,  Jlis  faeder  hine  het  ond 


51 

laerde,  paet  he  pam  halwendan  ongymnessum  georne  gefeole, 
p.  450,  1.  28.  Sume  laerdon  paet  hine  mon  aweg  acurfe,  p. 
382,  1.  7.  Ond  heo  pa  monade  ond  laerde  paet  he  woruldhad 
anforlete  ond  munuchad  onfenge,  p.  344,  11.  31-32.  Ond  he 
$a  ongan  heo  monian  ond  laeran  paet  heo  rihte  sibbe  ond 
lufan  him  hetweonum  haefden,  ond  gemaene  gewin  fore 
Drihtne  ondfenge,  p.  98,  11.  17-18.  See  also  p.  56,  11.  10-21. 

§  91.  Verbs  of  Forbidding,  Preventing,  Refusing,  Delaying, 
Consenting,  Permitting  and  Allowing  : 

Examples.  Bewerian. — Ne  we  eaw  beweriaiS  paet  ge  ealle 
ftapege  maegen,  purh  eowre  lare  to  eowres  geleafan  aefestnisse 
gefteode  and  gecyrre,  p.  60,  11.  9-10.  Ne  sceal  heo  bewered 
beon  paet  heo  mote  in  circan  gangan,  p.  78,  1.  7.  Beweredon 
his  freond  him,  paet  he  paet  feoht  ne  ongunne,  p.  358, 
11.  7-8.  Gehealdan. — pa  3a  mid  him  cwomon  purh  Drit- 
ues  gife  gehealde  paet  heo  ne  asprunge  from  heora  geleafan, 
p.  122,  1.  3.  WiSsacan. — He  wrSsoc  paet  he  pone  Godes 
andettere  sloge,  p.  40,  1.  13.  Ne  he  ne  wiSsoc  paet  he 
seolfa  eac  pa  ilcan  aefaestnisse  underfenge,  p.  120,  1.  23.  Se 
wiftsoc,  paet  he  geleafan  onfenge  ond  paem  geryne  paes  heo- 
fonlican  cyninges,  p.  168,  1.  16.  leldan. — Ne  yld  pu  paet  pu 
pam  myclan  godum  mid  us  onsecge,  p.  36, 1.  24.  ipafian. — Ne 
magon  we  nu  gen  paet  pafian  paet  we  forlaeten  pa  wisan,  p. 
60,  1.  3.  pa  ne  wolde  se  papa  paet  pafian  paette  swa  aeftle 
wer  swa  feor  from  him  gewite,  p.  98,  1.  7.  Ond  hwaeiSre  aet 
nehstan  paet  he  waes  mid  heora  benum  oferswrSed  paet  he 
geftafode,  paet  mon  his  lie  laedde  to  Lindesforena  ea  ond  paer  in 
cirican  geseted  waere,  p,  374, 11.  3-6.  Forlaetan. — Sum  eorSlic 
ac  in  paere  Romauiscan  cynnewissan  forlaeteft,  paette  ofrSe 
broker  o&Se  sweostor  gemengde  waeren  in  gesinscipe,  p.  70, 
1.  5.  Ne  waes  he  forlaeten  paet  he  oper  him  deadum  gefuge, 
p.  40,  1.  9.  Alyfan. — Ond  steopmodrum  ond  broiSwifun  ac 
paet  alyfed  is  paet  heo  moten  in  gesinscipe  gegadrade  beou  ? 
p.  70,  1.  1. 

§  92.  Verbs  of  Deciding,  Determining,  Providing,  Remem- 
bering to  and  Striving. 

Examples.     Deman. — Ond   he  wolde  ond  gedemed  haefde 


52 

paette  Ceolwulf  aefter  him  cyning  waere,  p.  476, 11.  24-25.  pa 
waes  he  nyttra  pinga  pencende  ond  demende  paet  he  paet 
gefeoht  forlete  ond  hine  geheolde  to  betran  tide,  p.  194,  1.  15. 
Gesettan. — pa  gesetton  heo  faestlice  fore  unmaetnisse  paes 
gewinnes,  paet  heo  eallinga  forlete  pa  getimbro  pisse  cirican, 
p.  176,  1.  12.  Foreseen. — ForeseoS  ge  paette  he  aerest  mid  his 
geferum  to  paera  seonoiSstowe  cume  ond  gesitte,  p.  100,  11. 
32-33.  Geseoh  Saet  5u  teala  wite,  p.  438,  1.  18.  Ond  geseoh 
paet  pu  honon  ne  gonge,  aer  seo  a$l  from  pe  gewiten  sy,  p. 
168,  1.  28.  Gearwian. — Forpon  paem  menn  purh  pa  prea  pis 
br3  gegearwad  paet  he  ne  sy  seald  pam  ecan  fyrum,  p.  68,  1. 
8.  Gemunan. — Gemyne  3u,  broftor  Herebryht,  paette  pu  nu 
mec  frigne  ond  to  me  spraece  swa  hwaet  swa  $u  wille  ond 
$earfe  haebbe,  p.  372,  11.  1-2.  Geman. — In  eallum  paem  he 
geornlice  gemde,  paet  he  men  atuge  from  synna  lufan  ond 
mandaedra,  ond  to  lufan  ond  to  geornfulnesse  awehte  godra 
daeda,  p.  346,  11.  15-17.  See  also  p.  66,  11.  3-7. 

§  93.  Complementary  Final  Sentences  after  other  Expres- 
sions.— Any  word  or  expression  denoting  an  idea  similar  to 
that  denoted  by  one  of  the  verbs  above  mentioned,  may  be  fol- 
lowed by  the  same  construction. 

Examples.  Wishing. — On  iSam  waes  byrniende  wilsumnes 
modes,  paet  he  recenust  to  prawunge  become,  p.  38, 1.  15.  Ac 
gif  ic  dea$  prawian  sceal,  leofre  me  is  paet  he  mec  to  deafte 
sylle  ponne  unaeiSelra  mann,  p.  128,  1.  7.  Forpon  pe  Godes 
willa  is  paet  he  fere  to  Columban  mynstre  to  laeranne,  p.  410, 
11.  18-19.  Ond  he  micle  geornfullnesse  dyde  paet  he  aeghwo- 
non  maest  reliquia  begeate  para  eadigra  apostola,  p.  466,  11. 
8-10.  Advising. — Ond  hi  him  iSa  eac  to  raede  ond  to  frofre 
fundon  paet  hi  gemaenelice  faesten  geworhten,  p.  46,  1.  3. 
Permitting. — Ond  eac  swylce  leafnesse  sealde  paet  heo  mosten 
Cristes  geleafan  bodian  ond  laeran,  p.  60,  1.  14.  Necessity. — 
Ond  micel  nedpearfnis  is  paette  paet  mood  seolf  his  dema  sy, 
p.  86,  1.  34. 

Remark. — Sometimes  the  verb  of  willing  or  wishing  may  not 
be  expressed,  but  is  implied  in  the  context.  Ex. — Ond  him 
sealdon  Uitalianus  gewrit  paes  papan  paet  heo  mon  mid  are 


53 

onfenge,  p.  256,  1.  8.  He  ne  wolde  py  aerran  geare  geliyran 
pam  arwyrSan  faeder  Ecgberht,  paet  he  Sceottas  hine  noht 
sceftpende  ne  afuhte,  p.  358,  11.  8-10. 

§  94.  The  Indicative  in  Complementary  Final  Sentences. — 
Several  examples  occur  of  the  use  of  the  Indicative  in  a  Com- 
plementary Final  Sentence.  In  the  first  of  these  quoted  below, 
the  mood  is  possibly  due  to  the  potential  sense  of  the  modal 
auxiliary  used.  The  others  appear  mere  anomalies.  It  is  to 
be  noted,  however,  that  in  each  of  them  a  relative  clause  de- 
pending on  the  final  sentence  is  in  the  Subjunctive  Mood. 

Examples. — Ealle,  pa  pe  to  Cristes  geleafan  becennaiS, 
seondon  to  monienne,  paet  heo  nowiht  swelces  ne  durron 
gefremman,  p.  72,  1.  5.  Da  heht  he  his  geferan,  $aet  hio 
sohton  sumne  earmne  ftearfan,  se  iSe  waere  micelre  untrum- 
nisse  ond  waedelnisse  hefegod,  p.  388, 11.  10-12.  Het  ftaet  hie 
paet  dydon  $y  daege,  pe  his  gemynddaeg  waere  ond  his  forSfor, 
p.  374, 11.  27-28. 


3.  Sentences  of  Result. 

§  95.  Sentences  of  Result  are  introduced  in  Anglo-Saxon  by 
ipaet  (Ipaette),  that  swa  ipaet  (Ipaette),  so  that.  While  in  most 
grammars  of  Anglo-Saxon  it  is  stated  that  result  is  expressed 
by  the  Subjunctive,  this  mood  is  exceptional  in  such  sentences 
in  the  Old  English  Version  of  Bede ;  the  regular  construction 
is  the  Indicative  and  only  two  unmistakable  examples  of  the 
Subjunctive  in  a  sentence  of  result  are  found.  In  other  words, 
such  sentences  are  regarded  not,  as  in  Latin,  as  statements  of 
the  result  that  the  action  of  the  leading  verb  tended  to  pro- 
duce, but  of  the  result  actually  produced.  The  result  is  looked 
upon  as  a  fact,  not  as  a  tendency. 

In  the  examples  found  there  is  no  apparent  difference  of 
meaning  between  the  Indicative  and  the  Subjunctive,  and  the 
two  examples  of  the  latter  seem  to  be  merely  survivals  of  the 
more  ancient  construction.  One  example  occurs  with  the 
indifferent  ending  an. 

§  96.  Example*  with  Indicative.  Present  Tense.  Swa 
paet. — Nu  gif  he  $e  eac  in  so$e  toweard  cynerice  gehated  swa 
paet  nales  paet  an  ealle  pine  aedran  ac  ealle  cyningas,  pa  pe 
in  Breotone  waeron  aer,  pu  in  meahte  on  in  rice  oferstigest, 
p.  130,  1.  1.  ])aet. — Ond  monige  eac  swylce  lifigendra  monna 
bene  ond  gebede  ond  aelmesse  ond  faesten  ealra  swiftust 
maessesong  gefultumeiS,  paet  heo  aer  domesdaeg  geuerede 
beoiS,  p.  432,  11.  5-7.  Preterite  Tense.  Swa  ipaet. — Ond  se 
onhraerdnesse  swa  mycle  menigo  heora  fornom  ond  gefylde, 
paette  $a  cwican  no  genihtsumedon  paet  hi  Sa  deadan  bebyr- 
igdon,  p.  50,  1.  4.  Ond  swa  micel  winter  us  onhreas  ond  swa 
raeiSe  storm  cwom,  paet  we  mid  segle  ne  mid  rownesse  owiht 
fremgan  meahton,  p.  384,  11.  21-22.  An  his  geferana  waes 
mid  pa  grimmestan  untrymnesse  hefigad  ond  ftrycud  swa 
paet  he  waes  loma,  p.  396,  11.  17-18.  Ond  swa  micel  leoht 
ond  beorhtnes  ealle  pa  stowe  geondscon,  paet  ho  ealles  daeges 
beorhtnisse  oftpe  iSaere  middaeglican  sunnan  waes  beorhtre 
gesewen,  p.  430,  11.  6-8.  Ipaet. — Hi  him  gefultumadon,  paet  hi 
mihton  heora  fynd  oferwinnan,  p.  44,  1.  14.  pa  he  gewyrhte 


55 

wyrde  waeron  for  heora  arleasnesse,  paet  heo  purh  Dritnes 
wrace  heora  scylda  wite  prawedon,  p.  356,  11.  27-29.  He  waes 
begendlic  in  iSaem  gefteodnessum  leofta,  paet  he  waes  myccle 
gelicra  slaependum  men  ponne  deadum,  p.  376,  1.  1.  See  also 
p.  334,  11.  11-18,  for  several  examples. 

Remark. — So  strong  is  the  tendency  to  use  the  Indicative 
in  sentences  of  result  that  it  is  retained  even  in  Indirect  Dis- 
course. Ex. — Andswearedon  Scottas  paet  heora  lond  ne 
waere  to  pues  mycel  paet  hi  mihton  twa  peodde  gehaebban, 
p.  28,  1.  11. 

§  97.  Examples  with  the  Subjunctive.  Sioa  \)aet. — Ond  raid 
tiysses  biscopes  lare  Oswald  gelaered  waes,  paette  uales  paet 
an  paet  he  aet  him  geleornade  paet  he  pa  uplican  ricu  gehyhte 
to  onfonne,  ac  swilce  eac eorSlico  rico  rna poune  aenig  his  eldrena 
fram  pam  ilcau  Gode  onfenge,  p.  164,  11.  19—23.  Hi  swa  ftaes 
streames  brycge  abysgade  waerou  paet  hi  hwene  aer  aefene 
oferfaran  ue  mihten,  p.  38,  1.  12. 

Remark. — One  example  occurs  of  a  Sentence  of  Kesult  with 
the  indifferent  ending  — an.  Ex. — Ond  swa  swrSe  his  lif  tosced 
from  ussa  tida  -aswundenesse,  paette  ealle  pa  pe  mid  hine 
eodan,  on  swa  hwilcre  stowe  swa  hi  coman,  paet  hi  sceoldan 
o&Se  sealmas  leornian  o&Se  opre  halige  gewrito,  p.  160,  1.  25, 
seq. 

§  98.  Subjunctive  in  a  Relative  Clause  with  a  Negative  Ante- 
cedent.— The  Relative  with  a  negative  antecedent  occurs  once, 
followed  by  the  Subjunctive  Mood,  and  has  been  placed  under 
Sentences  of  Result  as  parallel  to  the  Latin  Consecutive  Rela- 
tive after  a  negative.  The  mood,  in  this  particular  instance, 
cannot  be  attributed  to  the  influence  of  the  Latin,  as  the  rela- 
tive clause  in  question  translates  a  Latin  perfect  passive  parti- 
ciple in  the  original.  The  construction  is  apparently  analogous 
to  the  Subjunctive  after  JJonne,  and  may  be  due  to  the  idea  of 
unreality. 

Example. — Ne  waes  in  pa  tid  aenig  biscop  buton  pam  Wine 
in  alre  Breotene  para  pe  rihtlice  gehalgad  waere,  p.  246,  11. 
19-20.  (The  original  has  here  :  Non  enim  erat  tune  ullus, 
excepto  illo  Uine,in  tota  Brittania  canonice  ordinatus  episcopus. 
Lib.  Ill,  cap.  XXVIII.) 


56 

§  99.  Subjunctive  in  other  Relative  Clauses. — Two  other  ex- 
amples of  the  Subjunctive  in  a  relative  clause  occur,  neither  of 
which  can  be  explained  as  final,  or,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  ver- 
sion, as  due  to  Indirect  Discourse.  In  the  first  of  these  given 
below,  the  Subjunctive  translates  the  Latin  easel,  which  was  due 
to  a  verb  of  Indirect  Discourse  preceding.  The  translator  split 
the  long  Latin  sentence  into  two  shorter  ones,  and  though  mak- 
ing the  second  independent  of  the  verb  statiterunt,  still  retained 
the  subjunctive  in  the  dependent  clause.  The  Latin  affords  no 
clue  to  the  subjunctive  in  the  second,  having  the  Indicative 
where  the  Anglo-Saxon  shows  the  Subjunctive.  The  Subjunc- 
tive may  be  due  to  the  idea  of  purpose  involved  in  the  sentence. 
Examples.  1. — Ondpaere  abhuddyssau  ban  upadydau  of  paere 
stowe,  ond  on  opre  cyricean  pe  fullice  getimbred  ond  gehalgad 
waere,  gesetton,  p.  176,  1.  14.  2. — ForSon  in  bissum  mynstre 
monig  tacn  gastlicra  maegena  gifremed  waeron,  pa  be  to  ge- 
myude  ond  to  timbernesse  paere  aefter  fylgendra  from  monegum 
awriten  haefd  waeren,  p.  282,  11.  20-22. 


FINIS. 


LIFE. 

I  am  the  eldest  son  of  Charles  James  and  Lucy  Harrison 
Faulkner,  and  was  born  at  the  Wigwam,  the  home  of  my  ma- 
ternal grandfather,  William  Henry  Harrison,  Amelia  County, 
Virginia,  June  19,  1874.  My  early  education  was  received  in 
various  private  and  public  schools  of  Boydton,  the  county 
seat  of  Mecklenburg  County,  Virginia,  where  my  father  began 
the  practice  of  law  in  1874.  In  1891  I  entered  Richmond 
College,  Richmond,  Virginia,  where  I  pursued  courses  in  Latin, 
Greek,  French  and  German,  graduating  in  the  two  last  named. 
In  1892  I  entered  the  University  of  Virginia  and  graduated  in 
1895,  with  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts,  having  completed 
also,  in  addition  to  the  courses  required  for  that  degree,  the 
M.  A.  courses  in  Latin,  French  and  German.  During  the  ses- 
sion of  1894-'95, 1  was  also  Assistant  Instructor  in  Modern 
Languages  under  Acting-Professor  Reinhard,  having  been 
recommended  by  Professor  Perkinson,  then  on  leave  in  Ger- 
many. After  leaving  the  University  in  1895,  I  was  for  two 
years  Principal  of  the  Episcopal  Male  Academy,  Houston, 
Halifax  County,  Virginia.  This  position  I  resigned  in  1897 
to  accept  the  chair  of  languages  in  Henry  College,  Campbell, 
Texas,  but  this  institution  being  destroyed  by  fire  a  short  time 
after  the  session  opened,  I  returned  to  the  University  of  Virginia 
and  completed  the  Master  of  Arts  degree,  by  taking  the  M.  A. 
courses  in  Greek  and  the  English  Language.  In  1898  I 
accepted  the  position  of  Latin  and  Greek  Master  in  the  Epis- 
copal High  School  of  Virginia,  Alexandria,  Virginia.  In  1901 
I  resigned  this  position  to  return  to  the  University  and  com- 
plete the  work  required  for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy, 
having  been  granted  permission  by  the  faculty  to  do  the  second 
year's  work  in  absence,  which  work  I  did  in  1900-1901,  being 
regularly  matriculated  in  the  University.  The  courses  selected 
by  me  are  Major,  English  Language,  Primary  Minor,  German, 
Secondary  Minor,  Romance.  During  the  present  session 
(1901-'02)  I  have  completed  the  third  years'  work  in  my  major 
subject,  the  second  in  the  primary  minor,  and  the  first  in  the 
secondary  minor  since  completing  the  courses  required  in 
each  for  the  B.  A.  degree.  I  have  also  held  the  position  of 
Assistant  in  Teutonic  Languages  under  Prof.  Jas.  A.  Harrison. 


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